Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn IndependentFord, Henry
General
Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn Independent
Ford, Henry
Antisemitic literature; Jews -- United States; United States -- Ethnic relations
There was nothing too unimportant to draw forth Mr. Marshall’s protest.
To take care of protests alone, he must have a large organization.
And yet with all this high-tension pro-Jewish activity, Mr. Marshall is
not a self-advertising man, as is his law partner, Samuel Untermyer, who
has been referred to as the arch-inquisitor against the Gentiles.
Marshall is a name, a power, not so much a public figure.
As an informed Jew said about the two men:
“No, Marshall doesn’t advertise himself like Sam, and he has never tried
to feature himself in the newspapers for personal reasons. Outside his
professional life he devotes himself exclusively to religious affairs.”
That is the way the American Jew likes to describe the activities
referred to above—“religious affairs.” We shall soon see that they are
political affairs.
Mr. Marshall is short, stocky, and aggressive. Like his brother-in-law,
Rabbi Magnes, he works on the principle that “the Jew can do no wrong.”
For many years Mr. Marshall has lived in a four-story brownstone house,
of the old-fashioned type, with a grilled door, in East Seventy-second
street. This is an old-time “swell” neighborhood, once almost wholly
occupied by wealthy Jews. It was as close as they could crowd to the
choice Fifth Avenue corners, which had been pre-empted by the
Vanderbilts, the Astors, and other rich families.
That Mr. Marshall regards the whole Jewish program in which he is
engaged, not in its religious aspect alone, but in its world-wide
political aspect, may be judged from his attitude on Zionism. Mr.
Marshall wrote in 1918 as follows:
“I have never been identified and am not now in any way connected with
the Zionist organization. I have never favored the creation of a
sovereign Jewish state.”
_BUT_—
Mr. Marshall says, “Let the Zionists go on. Don’t interfere with them.”
Why? He writes:
“_Zionism is but an incident of a far-reaching plan. It is merely a
convenient peg on which to hang a powerful weapon. All the protests that
non-Zionists may make would be futile to affect that policy._”
He says that opposition to Zionism at that time would be dangerous. “I
could give concrete examples of a most impressive nature in support of
what I have said. I am not an alarmist, and even my enemies will give me
credit for not being a coward, but my love for our people is such that
even if I were disposed to combat Zionism, I would shrink from the
responsibilities that might be entailed were I to do so.”
And in concluding this strange pronouncement, he says:
“_Give me the credit of believing that I am speaking advisedly._”
Of course, there is more to Zionism than appears on the surface, but
this is as close as anyone can come to finding a Jewish admission on the
subject.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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