Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn Independent — John Shaqi
Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn IndependentFord, Henry
General
Aspects of Jewish power in the United States $b : volume IV of the International Jew, the world's foremost problem : being a reprint of a fourth selection from articles appearing in the Dearborn Independent
Ford, Henry
Antisemitic literature; Jews -- United States; United States -- Ethnic relations
“That I hoped would relieve me by giving a new turn to the conversation,
but the company was hardly seated at table when he renewed the assault
with increased asperity, and proceeded so far at last as to ridicule the
character, conduct and doctrines of the Divine Founder of our religion;
Mr. Jefferson in the meantime smiling and nodding approval on Mr. Giles,
while the rest of the company silently left me and my defense to our
fate, until at length my friend David Franks took up the argument on my
side. Thinking this a fair opportunity for avoiding further conversation
on the subject, I turned to Mr. Jefferson and said, ‘Sir, this is a
strange situation in which I find myself; in a country professing
Christianity and at a table with Christians, as I supposed, I find my
religion and myself attacked with severe and almost irresistible wit and
raillery, and not a person to aid in my defense but my friend Mr.
Franks, who is himself a Jew.’”
This episode throws a curious light on the character of Thomas
Jefferson’s “philosophical unbelief,” the unlovely fashion of that day;
it also illustrates a certain facility in David Franks.
Relations between the Colonies and the Mother Country became strained.
Political feelings ran high. The lines of division between “American”
and “British” began to appear for the first time. At first there was a
degree of agreement among all the population, except the government
officials, that a protest against governmental abuses was justified and
that strong representations should be made in behalf of the Colonists.
Even loyalists and imperialists agreed with that. It was a question of
domestic politics. But when presently the idea of protest began to
develop into the idea of rebellion and independence, a cleavage came. It
was one thing to correct the Empire, another thing to desert it. Here is
where the people of the Colonies split.
Mr. Jacob Franks in royalist and loyalist New York, was, of course,
royalist and loyalist. As army-contractor for the British Government, he
had no choice.
Mr. David Franks, down in Philadelphia, was a little nearer the heart of
the new American sentiment, and could not be so royal and loyal as was
his kinsman north. In fact, David Franks tried to do what is modernly
called “the straddle,” attempting to side with the Empire and with the
Colonies, too.
It was natural. His business was in Philadelphia. He may also have
wished to remain as long as possible in the position of a spy, and send
information of the state of public feeling to the royalists. Moreover,
he was received in good society and his reputation for wealth and
shrewdness won him attentions he could not otherwise have commanded.
So, in 1765 we find him joining the merchants of Philadelphia in the
pact not to import articles from England while the hated Stamp Act was
in force. In 1775 he favors the continuance of the colonial currency.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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