Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
President Lincoln had been convinced by the most undoubted proofs
that a plan for his assassination at Baltimore whilst on his way to
Washington, in 1861, to assume the responsibilities of the office to
which he had been called by the choice of the people, had been arranged
and prepared for by his enemies, and had only been prevented of its
execution by the strategic movement planned by his friends, by which he
passed through that city during the night previous to the morning on
which he was expected.
"From the very beginning of his Presidency Mr. Lincoln had been
constantly subject to the threats of his enemies and the warnings of
his friends. The threats came in every form: his mail was infested with
brutal and vulgar menace, mostly anonymous, the proper expression of
vile and cowardly minds.
"The warnings were not less numerous; the vaporings of village
bullies, the extravagancies of excited secessionist politicians, even
the drolling of practical jokers, were faithfully reported to him by
zealous or nervous friends. Most of these communications received no
notice. In cases where there seemed a ground for inquiry it was made,
as carefully as possible, by the President's private secretary and by
the War Department, but always without substantial results.
"Warnings that appeared to be most definite, when they came to be
examined proved too vague and confused for further attention. The
President was too intelligent not to know he was in some danger. Madmen
frequently made their way to the very door of the executive offices,
and sometimes into Mr. Lincoln's presence.
"He had himself so sane a mind, and a heart so kindly even to his
enemies, that it was hard for him to believe in a political hatred so
deadly as to lead to murder. He would sometimes laughingly say, 'Our
friends on the other side would make nothing by exchanging me for
Hamlin,' the Vice-President having the reputation of more radical views
than his chief. He knew, indeed, that incitements to murder him were
not uncommon in the South. An advertisement had appeared in a paper of
Selma, Alabama, in December, 1864, opening a subscription for funds to
affect the assassination of Lincoln, Seward, and Johnson before the
inauguration."[1]
In view of all this danger he would say "that he could not possibly
guard against it unless he were to shut himself up in an iron box, in
which condition he could scarcely perform the duties of a President.
By the hand of a murderer he could only die once; to go continually in
fear would be to die over and over."
To his faithful and devoted friend, Father Chiniquy, who on several
occasions warned him of his danger, and of the ultimate source of its
inspiration, he said, "I see no other way than to be always prepared to
die. I know my danger; but man must not care how and where he dies,
provided he dies at the post of honor and duty."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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