Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
"Unprepared, however, as all loyal hearts were for such an
announcement, the American people would be even yet more astounded
to have it declared by any court in this country that the
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, the President of the United
States, has not the power in time of war to institute a military
commission for the purpose of trying a gang of spies and traitors
who have found their way within the intrenched encampments of the
nation's capital to take the life of the chief of the army and navy, to
assassinate all the heads of the executive departments, in the interest
of the pretended government with which the federal government was
engaged in war. They who maintain such a doctrine profess to defend it
upon the ground that no such power is delegated by the constitution, as
_they_ did who could find no warrant there to coerce seceding States
into submission to the federal authority; but the day has passed
by when honest statesmen will longer, if they ever did, regard the
sovereignty of the federal Union as possessing no powers save those
expressly enumerated in the Constitution.
"The government of the United States was doubtless created by the
adoption of the Constitution. But when it had once been spoken into
being it stood upon the same level with other nations, and was clothed
with all the powers incident to an independent sovereignty under the
laws of nature and of nations, and among these was the power, in time
of war or great public emergency, to arrest and inflict upon spies and
traitors the most summary punishment, whenever and wherever the strong
hand of military justice can be laid upon them. It is a power incident
to the right and duty of self preservation, and ought to be exercised,
just as the individual owes it to himself to strike down the assassin
who is feeling for his heartstrings, without waiting to lose his own
life, in order that the courts of justice may, at their leisure,
proceed to try the felon according to the formularies of the law and
the Constitution. The right of self-defense needs not to be inscribed
upon parchment, either for individuals or for sovereign states. The
Almighty impressed this right and duty upon the hearts and minds of
men long before he wrote the decalogue upon the tables of stone. To
say that this government has not the power in time of war to exercise
this great duty of self-preservation, for want of warrant in the
Constitution, is to condemn the action of the government in acquiring
from France and Spain and Mexico and Russia territory lying far beyond
the limits of the original thirteen States, because such power of
acquisition and growth is not provided for by the Constitution. Both
these powers are but the incidents of sovereignty, requiring no
warrant in written governmental charter; they are derived from the
common law of nations, and are co-existent with sovereignty.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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