Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. SurrattHarris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
History
Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy: Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt
Harris, T. M. (Thomas Mealey)
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865 -- Assassination; Surratt, John H. (John Harrison), 1844-1916
The soldier that would fail to try a spy or a bandit after his
capture would be as derelict in duty as if he were to fail to
capture; he is as much bound to try and execute, if guilty, as
he is to arrest; the same law that makes it his duty to pursue
and kill or capture makes it his duty to try according to the
usages of war. The judge of a civil court is not more strongly
bound, under the Constitution and the law, to try a criminal,
than is the military to try an offender against the laws of
war. The fact that the civil courts are open does not affect
the right of the military tribunal to hold as a prisoner and
to try. The civil courts have no more right to prevent the
military, in time of war, from trying an offender against the
laws of war than they have a right to interfere and prevent a
battle. A battle may be lawfully fought in the very presence of
the court; so a spy, a bandit, or other offender against the
law of war, may be tried, and tried lawfully, when and where
the civil courts are open and transacting business. The law of
war authorizes human life to be taken without legal process;
or that legal process contemplated by those provisions of
the Constitution that are relied upon to show that military
judicial tribunals are unconstitutional.
Wars should be prosecuted justly as well as bravely. One enemy
in the power of another, whether he be an open or a secret
one, should not be punished or executed without a trial. If
the question be one concerning the laws of war, he should
be tried by those engaged in the war; they, and they only,
are his peers. The military must decide whether he is, or is
not, an active participant in hostilities. If he is an active
participant in the hostilities it is the duty of the military
to take him, without warrant or other judicial process, and
dispose of him as the laws of war direct. It is curious to see
one and the same mind justify the killing of thousands of men
in battle because it is done according to the laws of war, and
yet condemning that same law when, out of regard for justice,
and with the hope of saving life, it orders a military trial
before the enemy are killed. The love of law, of justice, and
the wish to save life and suffering should impel all good men
in time of war to uphold and sustain the existence and actions
of such tribunals. The object of such tribunals is obviously
intended to save life, and when their jurisdiction is confined
to offenses against the laws of war, that is their effect. They
prevent indiscriminate slaughter; they prevent men from being
punished or killed on mere suspicion. The law of nations, which
is the result of the wisdom and experience of ages, has decided
that jayhawkers, banditti, etc., are offenders against the laws
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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