Australia -- Politics and government; Great Britain -- Colonies -- Australia
In 1895 the average amount of assurance per head of the population in
Australasia was L20, the average sum assured per policy L285, and the
average number of policies per 1,000 of the population, 70. Compared
with the United Kingdom, {260} Australasia has a considerable advantage
in the first of these figures, has the proportion reversed in the
second, but wins by more than two to one on the last, which is the most
interesting as a further indication of the prevalence of the instinct
of providence among Australasian workmen.[6] Prior to the recent
crisis the working classes had availed themselves largely of the
opportunities which Building Societies offered to them to secure the
freehold of their homes by payments spread over a term of years; but a
run upon the deposits lodged in these institutions, which set in
towards the end of 1891, and continued during 1892, affected them
disastrously, and the large majority of even the soundest of them were
obliged eventually, owing to the heavy withdrawal of deposits, to close
their doors. Though some have since been re-opened, upon terms agreed
to between the shareholders and depositors, their business has
collapsed for the time, the amount of advances in Victoria having
fallen from over two millions in 1890 and in 1891 to less than a
hundred thousand pounds in 1893.[7] In the apparent absence of
statistics of the number of freeholders in several Provinces, no
general idea can be formed of the extent to which the working classes
have, through Building Societies and otherwise, invested their savings
in the acquisition of {261} freehold properties. The only figures that
I have been able to obtain give the estimated number of owners as
30,600, 91,500, and 184,500 for New South Wales, New Zealand, and
Victoria respectively. As far as the two latter Provinces are
concerned, the total populations being only 699,000 and 1,174,000, it
is absurd to suppose that the electors, a large proportion of whom are
freeholders, will be captivated by the advocates of the Single Tax. It
cannot too often be repeated that the Australasian Governments, all of
which are, to a greater or lesser degree, aiming at the multiplication
of small owners or perpetual lease-holders, are rendering it
practically impossible that an agitation for the confiscation of land
values should be successful, and are fostering the growth of that class
of settlers which is believed to be Conservative in the best sense of
the word. But large estates, except in the case of certain kinds of
pastoral land, are doomed to extinction, either in the natural course
of events, owing to the costliness of labour, or from the pressure of
heavy graduated taxation, the workmen of Australasia being thoroughly
convinced of its justice as a means of raising revenue and of its
efficacy as a means of causing land to be subdivided or placed upon the
market. They have also, as has been seen, supported legislation which
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