Autographs for Freedom, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Thirty-five Other Eminent Writers
History
Autographs for Freedom, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Thirty-five Other Eminent Writers
Antislavery movements -- United States; Slavery -- United States
Christian masters; it is only on condition that they first surrender
their every _right_ as men. Let them dare demur to that, and their tears
and blood must answer it. That is the terrible fact; and _our country_
is the abettor, the protector, and the agent of the iniquity. Must we be
indifferent? May we be indifferent? It is a question of tremendous
import to every freeman in the land, who honestly believes that the
rights he claims as a man are common to the race.
We used to be told, and are sometimes still, that this is a matter which
belongs to our Southern brethren exclusively, and that when we of the
Free States interfere with it, we meddle with that which is “none of our
business.” And there was a time, when this might be urged with a show of
consistency. It was when slavery claimed only to be a creature of State
legislation, and asked only of the national Government and the Free
States to be let alone. Even then, it had no right of exemption from the
rational scrutiny to which all human institutions are amenable, nor from
the rebuke and denouncement which all men may, in Heaven’s name, utter
against all iniquity done in the face of Heaven. But the _special_ right
of republican citizens to demand the correction of wrongs done by _their
own_ government, attached in the matter of slavery only to the citizens
of the slave States.
But a wonderful change has been passing before our eyes. The attitude of
slavery is entirely altered. It now claims to be nationalized. It
demands a distinct recognition and active protection from the general
government, and indirect, but most effectual support from every State in
the Union, and from every citizen thereof! The government has
acknowledged the validity of the claim; and our great political
leaders—some on whom we have been wont to rely as stalwart champions of
freedom—have turned short round in their tracks, and require us to
believe that we are _under constitutional obligations_ to help maintain
the accursed thing,—yea, through all future time, to do its most menial
work! Nor is the doctrine to be left in the dubious region of
speculation. It is already “a fixed fact,” terribly embodied in a penal
law. It enters the home of every Northern freeman, and announces in
thunder-tones this ancestral obligation, which had so strangely faded
from the recollections of men. It tolerates no dulness of apprehension,
no hesitancy of belief. It bids us all, on pain of imprisonments and
fines, to conquer our prejudices, to swallow our scruples, to be still
with our nonsensical humanities, and, “as good citizens,” to start out
at the whistle of a United States’ constable, to chase down miserable
negroes fleeing from the hell of bondage!
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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