We are hopelessly consigned to that condition most revolting and loathsome to one in whom the least vestige of manly or womanly feeling is left,—that of absolute slavery. The laws treat us not as human beings, but “as _chattels personal_, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever.” Great numbers of our people, in addition to all these enormities, endure unutterable bodily sufferings, from the cruelty and torturing punishments inflicted on us. I do not assert that three millions of people, suffering such intolerable wrongs and outrages, ought to throttle their oppressors, and kill fifty thousand of them. I only say, that _if_ it was right to do so in 1776, it is also right to do the same in 1852. _If_ the light oppressions which the men of the last century endured justified war and bloodshed, then oppressions ten thousand times worse would surely justify revolt and blood. _If_ the colonists might rightfully refuse to “remain in the calling wherein they were called,” as subjects of the English government, then slaves may rightfully refuse to continue in the calling wherein they were called. _If_ three millions of men might lawfully disregard the text, “honour the king,” on the ground that the king oppressed them, then three millions of men may lawfully disregard the text, “servants obey your masters,” on the ground that those masters grievously oppress them. _If_ the _prospect of success_ justified the war of 1776, then as soon as three millions of slaves feel able and determined to vindicate their rights, they may justly demand them at the point of the sword; and any black Washington who shall lead his countrymen to victory and liberty, even through carnage, will merit our veneration. _If_ “liberty or death” was a noble and Christian war-cry in 1776 for the oppressed, then it would be noble and Christian-like for the oppressed men of 1852 practically to adopt the same. If these inferences appear startling and even horrible, why do they so appear? Is there any reason except that inveterate prejudice, which applies very different principles to the coloured man and the white man? If three millions of white men were in slavery in Algiers now, should we not urge them, as soon as there was hope of success, to imitate the men of 1776, rise and fight for liberty? Therefore, until we are prepared to condemn our ancestors as guilty rebels, and abhor their insurrection as a wicked resistance to the ordinance of God, can we blame _any class_ of people for successful revolt against an oppressive government? Let this further question be pondered. Who were to blame for the destruction of one hundred thousand lives in the war of 1776? The oppressors or the oppressed? The men who fought for liberty or the men who would not let them have it without fighting? Who then would be responsible for the death of one hundred thousand men, if the oppressed men of 1852 should kill so many, in fighting for liberty?