Belford's Magazine, Volume II, No. 8, January, 1889Various
History
Belford's Magazine, Volume II, No. 8, January, 1889
Various
United States -- Politics and government -- Periodicals
But from the very commencement of the war there had been felt at
Washington a strong controlling influence emanating from the money
centres. The issue of the demand notes of the government during
the first year had furnished a portion of the revenues required,
and had served to recall the teachings of the earlier statesmen
and the demonstrations of history--that paper money bottomed on
taxes would prove a great blessing to the people, and a just
exercise of governmental functions. This was only too evident to
those controlling financial operations at the great money centres. The
nation was alive to the necessities of the government; the people
answered the calls for troops with such promptness as to block the
channels of transportation, often drilling in camp, without arms,
awaiting production from the constantly running armories. Those
camps represented the people. From them all eyes were bound to the
source of supply of the munitions of war; in them all hearts burned
for the time for action, even though that meant danger and death.
There were other camps from which gray-eyed greed looked with far
different motives. The issue of their own promissory notes, based
upon a possibility of substituting confidence for coin, had proven
in the past of vast profit to the note-issuers of the great money
centres. The exercise of that power by the government would
inevitably destroy one great source of their profits, and transfer it
to the people. Sixty millions of the people's own notes, circulating
among them as money, withstanding the effect of the suspension of
specie payments by both the banks and the national Treasury, was a
forceful object-lesson to all classes. To the people, it brought a
strong ray of hope to brighten the darkness of the war cloud. To some
among the metropolitan bankers who in after years prated so loudly of
their patriotism and financial sagacity, it brought to view only
the danger of curtailed profits. The government Treasury was empty;
troops in the field were unpaid and uncomplaining; merchants
furnishing supplies, seriously embarrassed for the lack of money in
the channels of trade. The sixty millions of demand notes were
absorbed by the nation's commerce like a summer storm on parched
soil. Under such circumstances, at the urgent request of the
Secretary of the Treasury, the Ways and Means Committee of the House
of Representatives framed a bill authorizing the issue of one
hundred and fifty millions of bonds, and the same amount of Treasury
notes, the latter to be a full legal tender, and fundable in an
interest-bearing bond at the option of the holder. The contest between
the popular branch of the government and the Senate, upon this
measure, forms one of the most interesting and instructive lessons
of the financial legislation of the nation. In the Senate, a
bitter and determined opposition to the legal-tender clause was
developed. The associated banks of New York had adopted a resolution
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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