Such was the past upon which the worn old man, stretched on his
monastic bed, looked back that winter’s morning. Singleness of
aim has its reward in spiritual peace, but of the future he
was not hopeful. He no longer even contemplated an autonomous
Armenia, either on Turkish territory or on Russian. On the
Russian side of the frontier the Armenian villages were too
scattered, too much interspersed with Georgians and Tartars, to
allow of autonomy. On the Turkish side, he thought, massacre
and exile had now left too few of the race to form any kind
of community. Indeed, for the last twelve years the Armenian
villagers have been crawling over the foot of Ararat by
thousands a year to escape the Kurds, and every morning they
come and stand in fresh groups of pink and blue rags outside
the monastery door where the head of their Church and race
lies dying. They stand there in mute appeal, as I saw them,
possessing nothing in the world but the variegated tatters
that cover them, and their faith in their Katholikos. Slowly
they are drafted away into Tiflis, Baku, or their Caucasian
villages, but nowhere are they welcomed.
Some of the bishops and monks, who form a council round their
chief, still look for Europe’s interference, and trust that the
solemn pledges taken by England and other Powers at Berlin may
be fulfilled. The Bishop of Erivan, for instance, still labors
for the appointment of a Christian governor over the district
marked by the ill-omened names of Van, Bitlis, and Erzeroum.
I also found that even among the Georgians there was a large
party willing to concede all the frontier district from Erivan
to Kars, where Armenian villages are thickest, as an autonomous
Armenian province, in the happy day when the Caucasus wins
federal autonomy. But the majority of the Armenian clergy, who
hitherto have led the people, are beginning to acquiesce in the
hopelessness of political change, and are now limiting their
efforts to education and industries. One cannot yet say how far
their influence may be surpassed in the growing revolutionary
parties of “The Bell” and “The Flag.” Of these, the Social
Democratic “Bell” follows the usual impracticable and pedantic
creed of St. Marx. The “Flag,” or party of Nationalist
Democrats, is at present dominant, and at a great assembly
held in Erivan last August (1906) they adopted a programme
of land nationalization, universal suffrage and education,
an eight-hour day, and the control of the Church property by
elected laymen. If the Russian revolution makes good progress,
they will naturally unite with the Georgian Federalists, on
whom the best hopes of the country are set.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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