Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 2 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
Of course, you know what took place at Warsaw, in 1850, when
the Union was under consideration. We have in great part to thank the
Emperor Nicholas for our pilgrimage to Olmütz. During the Crimean
war in 1854, we, who had been badly treated shortly before, remained
neutral, while Austria, who had been well treated, joined the Western
Powers; and in 1863, when the insurrection broke out in Poland, and was
supported by Austria and the Western Powers in their Notes, we took the
part of Russia, and the diplomatic intervention failed.--It should only
be a short balance sheet, giving the debit and credit sides--you will
have to read the subject up.--In 1866 and 1870 Russia did not attack
us--on the contrary. But that, after all, was in Russia’s interest too.
In 1866, Prussia was an instrument for venting the anger of Russia upon
Austria; and in 1870 also it was only sound policy on her part to side
with us, as it was undesirable for the Russians that Austria should
join against us, and that a victorious Franco-Austrian force should
approach the frontiers of Poland, it being a traditional policy in
Paris to support Poland at the expense of Russia, a policy which was
also followed in Vienna, at least of recent years. And then, if we had
reason to be thankful to them, we returned the compliment in London in
1870. We secured for them the freedom of the Black Sea. But for us they
would not have obtained it from England and France.”
After a short pause he continued, while I, with one of his big pencils,
noted down what he said: “Gortschakoff is not carrying on a Russian
policy, which takes us into account as friends, but a personal policy.
He always wants to cut a figure, and to be praised by the foreign
press, and in particular by the Parisian newspapers. He sympathises
with France, which cannot be said of the Emperor. He would like to
posture as the friend and supporter of that country. The Dreikaiserbund
only satisfied him for a short time. As far back as 1874 the threads
of the Gortschakoff-Jomini policy are to be found in the foreign
press--oglings and advances towards an intimacy between Russia and
France of ‘la revanche.’ The rejection of these addresses is due
rather to France than to Russia. This policy does not appear to have
originated with the Emperor Alexander. It culminated in the period
1875-77, when the rumour was circulated that Gortschakoff had saved
France from us, and when he began one of his circular despatches with
the words: ‘Maintenant la paix est assurée.’ You remember Blowitz’s
report in _The Times_. Read it again, and mention the matter. His
account was correct, except where he spoke of an anti-French military
party in Prussia. No such party existed. The same policy, which must
be distinguished from that of the Emperor, is now being carried on in
the _Golos_, which was formerly Gortschakoff’s official organ. Whether,
in spite of all signs of disfavour this is not still the case, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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