Black and White: Land, Labor, and Politics in the SouthFortune, Timothy Thomas
History
Black and White: Land, Labor, and Politics in the South
Fortune, Timothy Thomas
African Americans -- Southern States; Southern States -- Economic conditions; United States -- Race relations
I know it is not fashionable for writers on economic questions to tell
the truth, but the truth should be told, though it kill. When the wail
of distress encircles the world, the man who is linked by "the touch
of nature" which "makes the whole world kin" to the common destiny of
the race universal; who hates injustice wherever it lifts up its head;
who sympathizes with the distressed, the weak, and the friendless in
every corner of the globe, such a man is morally bound to tell the
truth as he conceives it to be the truth.
In these times, when the law-making and enforcing authority is leagued
against the people; when great periodicals--monthly, weekly and
daily--echo the mandates or anticipate the wishes of the powerful men
who produce our social demoralization, it becomes necessary for the
few men who do not agree to the arguments advanced or the interests
sought to be bolstered up, to "cry aloud and spare not." The man who
with the truth in his possession flatters with lies, that "thrift may
follow fawning" is too vile to merit the contempt of honest men.
The government of the United States confiscated as "contraband of war"
the slave population of the South, but it left to the portion of the
unrepentant rebel a far more valuable species of property. The slave,
the perishable wealth, was confiscated to the government and then
manumitted; but property in land, the wealth which perishes not nor
can fly away, and which had made the institution of slavery possible,
was left as the heritage of the robber who had not hesitated to lift
his iconoclastic hand against the liberties of his country. The baron
of feudal Europe would have been paralyzed with astonishment at the
leniency of the conquering invader who should take from him his slave,
subject to mutation, and leave him his landed possessions which are as
fixed as the Universe of Nature. He would ask no more advantageous
concession. But the United States took the slave and left the thing
which gave birth to _chattel slavery_ and which is now fast giving
birth to _industrial slavery_; a slavery more excruciating in its
exactions, more irresponsible in its machinations than that other
slavery, which I once endured. The chattel slave-holder must, to
preserve the value of his property, feed, clothe and house his
property, and give it proper medical attention when disease or
accident threatened its life. But industrial slavery requires no such
care. The new slave-holder is only solicitous of obtaining the maximum
of labor for the minimum of cost. He does not regard the man as of any
consequence when he can no longer produce. Having worked him to death,
or ruined his constitution and robbed him of his labor, he turns him
out upon the world to live upon the charity of mankind or to die of
inattention and starvation. He knows that it profits him nothing to
waste time and money upon a disabled industrial slave. The multitude
of laborers from which he can recruit his necessary laboring force is
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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