Black and White: Land, Labor, and Politics in the SouthFortune, Timothy Thomas
History
Black and White: Land, Labor, and Politics in the South
Fortune, Timothy Thomas
African Americans -- Southern States; Southern States -- Economic conditions; United States -- Race relations
You may rob and maltreat a slave and ask him what he is going to do
about it, and he can make no reply. He is bound hand and foot; he is
effectually gagged. Despair is his only refuge. He knows it is useless
to appeal from tyranny unto the designers and apologists of tyranny.
Ignominious death alone can bring him relief. This was the case of
thousands of men doomed by the institution of slavery. _But such is
not the case with free men._ You cannot oppress and murder freemen as
you would slaves: you cannot so insult them with the question, "What
are you going to do about it?" When you ask free men that question you
appeal to men who, though sunk to the verge of despair, yet are
capable of uprising and ripping hip and thigh those who deemed them
incapable of so rising above their condition. The history of mankind
is fruitful of such uprisings of races and classes reduced to a
condition of absolute despair. The American negro is no better and no
worse than the Haytian revolutionists headed by Toussaint l'Overture,
Christophe and the bloody Dessalaines.
I do not indulge in the luxury of prophecy when I declare that the
American people are fostering in their bosoms a spirit of rebellion
which will yet shake the pillars of popular government as they have
never before been shaken, unless a wiser policy is inaugurated and
honestly enforced. All the indications point to the fulfillment of
such declaration.
The Czar of Russia squirms upon his throne, not because he is
necessarily a bad man, but because he is the head and center of a
condition of things which squeezes the life out of the people. His
subjects hurl infernal machines at the tyrant because he represents
the system which oppresses them. But the evil is far deeper than the
throne, and cannot be remedied by striking the occupant of it-_the
throne itself must be rooted out and demolished_. So the Irish
question has a more powerful motive to foment agitation and murder
than the landlord and landlordism. The landlord simply stands out as
the representative of the real grievance. To remove _him_ would not
remove the evil; agitation would not cease; murder would still stalk
abroad at noonday. _The real grievance is the false system which makes
the landlord possible._ The appropriation of the fertile acres of the
soil of Ireland, which created and maintains a privileged class, a
class that while performing no labor, wrings from the toiler, in the
shape of rents, so much of the produce of his labor that he cannot on
the residue support himself and those dependent upon him aggravates
the situation. It is this system which constitutes the real grievance
and makes the landlord an odious loafer with abundant cash and the
laborer a constant toiler always upon the verge of starvation.
Evidently, therefore, to remove the landlord and leave the system of
land monopoly would not remove the evil. Destroy the latter and the
former would be compelled to go.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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