changed from among the political offenders down to the petty larceny
fraternity. All of which may be found duly chronicled in the records of
the sheriff's office of the Gore District for the period.
But there is no circumstance, perhaps, that we could mention, that
could convey a better idea of the relative regard for England and the
United States, of the class of people we have been describing, than
the fact--well known to every person who has lived among them--that a
Yankee schoolmaster, without either education or intelligence--with
nothing on earth to recommend him, save an inveterate propensity for
vapouring and meddling in the affairs, religious and political, of
every sect and class wherever he goes--can, and ever has, exercised
more influence among them in a few months, than a whole neighbourhood
of English gentlemen could in years. And we speak neither from hearsay
nor conjecture: we speak from what we have seen and know, and what is
susceptible of full proof.
The political measures of this party, like all others, soon shaped
themselves into an embodiment of their motives and principles, and
into a means, the most natural and the most certain, of gaining and
keeping power. Ambition, mounted between two saddle-bags, upon a
jog-trot pony, was not likely to shine in the character of a courtier.
A strong nasal accent, and a love of the levelling system, were but
poor recommendations to English gentlemen, and English governors,
for offices of distinction and the command of her Majesty's militia
forces. But both were powerful at the hustings. What they could not
win from the crown they could gain from the electors. What monarchical
feelings and a monarchical education could not brook, democratic
voters would assuredly elevate. The consequences were such as may
be conceived. Their measures became, to all intents and purposes,
democratic. They began by requiring, as indispensable to the proper
"image and transcript," as they called it, of the British constitution,
that the legislative council--analogous to the House of Lords--should
be rendered elective; that the magistracy should be made elective;
that voting by ballot, as it is practised in the States, should be
introduced; and that every officer in the country, from a colonel to
a constable, should be chosen by the people. How much of monarchy
would have been left after all this--how many of the distinguishing
characteristics that the English government imparts to a British
people, would have been discernible, after all these measures were in
full operation, it would not have been very difficult to foresee.
Lord Durham, in speaking of this party, and of that which opposed it,
observes:--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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