Jamaica experienced, in a greater degree than any other colony, the
effects of those unfavourable impressions with which the motives
and proceedings of her legislature were regarded, and of those
feelings of distrust and suspicion which influenced the relations
of the executive government and the Assembly. Her Assembly was more
sensitive, more zealous, more tenacious than any other colony in
vindicating the privileges of her legislature, whenever an attempt
was made to violate them. The people of Jamaica, when that colony
first formed part of the British empire, did not become subjects
of England by conquest--they were by birth Englishmen, who, by
the invitation and encouragement of their sovereign, retained
possession of a country which its former inhabitants had abandoned.
They carried with them to Jamaica all the rights and privileges
of British-born subjects. The proclamation of Charles II. is not
a grant, but a declaration, confirmation, and guarantee of those
rights and privileges. The constitution of Jamaica is based on those
rights and privileges. It is, to use the emphatic language of Mr
Burke, in speaking of our North American colonies, "a constitution
which, with the exception of the commercial restraints, has every
characteristic of a free government. She has the express image of
the British constitution. She has the substance. She has the right
of taxing herself through her representatives in her Assembly. She
has, in effect, the sole internal government of the colony."
The history of the colony records many attempts of the governor and
of the government to deprive her of that constitution, by violating
the privileges of her Assembly; but it records also the success
with which those attempts were resisted, and the full recognition
of those privileges by the ample reparation which was made for
their violation. That very success rendered the people of Jamaica
still more jealous of those privileges, and more determined in the
uncompromising firmness with which they maintained them. But it did
not render the governors or the home government less jealous or
less distrustful of the motives and proceedings of the Assembly.
As the whole expense of her civil, military, and ecclesiastical
establishment was defrayed by the colony, with the exception of the
salaries of the bishop, archdeacon, and certain stipendiary curates;
and as that expense, amounting to nearly £400,000, was annually
raised by the Assembly, it might have been supposed that the power
of stopping the supplies would have had its effect in creating more
confidence and conciliation, but it may be doubted whether it did
not produce a contrary effect.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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