heavily as though it had been reared, grown, or made up on British
ground by British labourers. Unless this be done, there is no fair
competition. The less burdened foreigner must ultimately carry the
day against the heavily-taxed Englishman. And when we consider that
all taxes must be paid out of produce, there being no other source
whatever from which they can be drawn, the importance of maintaining
the market value of our produce at a point equal to the pressure of
our taxation will at once become apparent.
There are, however, plausible, though in reality most fallacious
grounds, upon which the Protective System may be assailed. In this,
as in every other country, the first and most important branch
of industry is that which provides food for the population. To
that all others are subordinate. It is impossible to estimate the
amount of capital which has been laid out upon the soil of Britain,
first in reclaiming it from a state of nature, and, since then,
in maturing and increasing its fruitfulness. But some idea may be
formed of its magnitude from the fact that, in 1846, the annual
agricultural produce of the United Kingdom was valued, according
to the prices then current, at £250,000,000. Whatever imperial
taxation is imposed on other classes of the community is shared
equally by the agriculturists; and they are, moreover, exposed to
heavy local rates, from which the others are comparatively free.
It is a received maxim in political economy--we ought rather to
say a rule of common sense--that all taxes and charges paid by the
producer, over and above his necessary profit, fail ultimately to
be defrayed by the consumer--that is, that such taxes and charges
form a component part of the selling price of the article. There is
no specialty whatever in the case of corn or provisions to exempt
them from the general rule. But all restrictions which tend to
enhance the price of the first necessaries of life are obnoxious
to that section of the people who, from ignorance or incapacity,
cannot understand why bread should be dear in one country and
cheap in another. They, too, are subjected to their share of
indirect taxation, and the knowledge that they are so taxed in
the consumption of articles which constitute their only luxuries,
renders them doubly impatient of a system which, on the authority
of wicked and designing demagogues, they are led to believe was
invented by the landlords solely for their own benefit. Thus heavy
taxation, however engendered, must always be fraught with great
peril to the permanency of a state. The burden of such taxation
falls most heavily upon the land, and yet the agriculturist is
expected to provide food for the people as cheaply as though he were
altogether exempt from the burden.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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