against it; that, in the first few months of its existence, the completion of the business of Parliament, previous to its dissolution, was all that was expected or required at its hands; that, after the dissolution, a majority of nineteen effected, though with the greatest difficulty, the overthrow of the Administration, without allowing the smallest time for the trial of their legislative powers, it must be admitted that the members of that Conservative Government, in the face of the greatest difficulties, exhibited administrative abilities of a high order. They were unable, from circumstances, to take advantage, like their successors, of the tide of popular favour which in these days is sure to run in the direction of a new Administration, because they were only expected to wind up, as quickly as they could, the Parliamentary business of the session. Yet to them may be traced the advantages we possessed in preparation for the present war. They were the first Government who dared to come down to the British House of Commons, and tell it the national defences were insecure, and demand the means of placing England in a position to resist any threatened invasion. Do we not owe to them the establishment of our militia? Was not that a bill than which none has been more perfect in its details, or more universally satisfactory to the country? Do we not owe to them the establishment of our Channel Fleet on such a footing that it secured England from all aggression? Then was laid the basis of that splendid fleet which a few months back left our shores for the Baltic Sea. Again, it is to their prescience that we can trace the advantages which are derived to ourselves, and to the cause of civilisation and independence, from our present amicable relations with France. Did they not, in opposition to the popular will, unequivocally expressed, and in the face of the utmost censure of the press, persist in cultivating the friendship of France? To that firmness and political sagacity we trace the advantages we derive from having so powerful a friend by whose side to fight in the cause of Europe. Contrast this with the conduct of that brilliant Administration which was to rescue England from the evil position into which it was brought by the reckless Derby Government, and what do we find? Two members of that Government, immediately on taking office, commence their abuse of the French Emperor in no measured terms. Nor is this all: Their brilliant opponent, who was naturally desirous to bring such a glaring indiscretion before the notice of the Commons of England, was charged by the triumphant Coalition with having a mind deeply imbued with faction. The like absence of political sagacity is observable throughout the whole course of the Government. With a war staring us in the face, which ought to have appeared almost inevitable to the Government, with their superior information and knowledge of facts, the Chancellor of the Exchequer brings forward a Peace Budget,