his opinions as they are forming? We may smile at the vanity displayed,
and at the folly of such a course; but we may shrink from casting
imputations and urging motives, from which a virtuous mind recoils, for
the mere purpose of blackening and traducing the character of a
political opponent. Such, however, is the course pursued by Mr
Disraeli’s enemies; but we should think that the strong malevolence
displayed in those satires and slanders must insure their being
discarded by “all in whom political partisanship has not extinguished
the common feelings of humanity.” It is said that Mr Disraeli’s changes
of opinion were with a view to self-aggrandisement. The charge, we
presume, rests upon the pretence that he was the better for each change.
This may be; but we think an ardent, clever, and ambitious man like Mr
Disraeli, would have risen to eminence whatever line of politics he
adopted. It was not more difficult for him to get into Parliament as a
Radical than as a Tory; indeed, this seems to be unwittingly allowed by
his biographer when he states that his election for High Wycombe was
lost because Mr Hume withdrew his support in consequence of Mr
Disraeli’s refusing to compromise his opinions with regard to the Whigs.
It is, however, a decidedly unfair course to rake together all that has
fallen from an aspiring and even giddy youth, no matter whether in the
heat of political contest or in the turmoil of an election strife, and
then call him in his maturity to a severe account. No charitable
construction is ever allowed to Mr Disraeli’s public acts. It is always
easy to get up a colourable case against an English statesman, all whose
acts lay bare before the eager gaze of the public. It requires the
exercising of very little ingenuity to hang together a consistent string
of facts with which to stigmatise with baseness the career of any
politician, however brilliant in talent or in character. Mr Disraeli has
risen from the people; he has excited the envy of some and the hatred of
others, who indulge their vengeful feelings in spreading their malicious
slanders; nor is the most stainless character proof against such
assaults, since they can quickly acquire a consistency of character, and
gain a hold on men’s minds when they are dinned into one’s ears on all
sides. How easy it might be to make up a case of political profligacy
against Sir James Graham, who has been through more political changes,
and that, too, since he was a representative of the people, than any
other statesman of the day! How easy it might be to discern in this the
workings of a restless ambition! A colourable case is soon made, and
then let a certain number of newspapers indulge in comments upon it, and
spread the calumnies, each in his own strain, and all spiced with a
little outpouring of virtuous indignation, and the best character is
sure to be injured by it. There are some in these charitable times who
can defend a Cromwell; we apprehend that with far less exercise of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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