However, the Affghans, who are essentially democratic by the necessities
of their turbulent condition, often make a compromise in their choice of
khans between strict primogeniture and personal merits, where they
happen to be appropriate. And they might have done so here. But we are
now going, in conclusion, to bring forward one remark, which utterly
prostrates Lord Auckland's scheme as a scheme of hope for Affghanistan,
or of promise for his own purpose. It is this--no legitimacy of title,
and no personal merits, supposing both to have met pre-eminently in the
person of Soojah, had a chance of winning over the Affghans to a settled
state. This truth, not hitherto noticed, reveals itself upon inspecting
the policy of all the Suddozye shahs from Ahmed downwards; and probably
that policy was a traditional counsel. Ahmed saved himself from domestic
feuds by carrying away all the active, or aspiring, or powerful spirits
to continual wars in the Punjaub, in Persia, or India. Thus he sustained
their hopes, thus he neutralized their turbulence. Timour next, and his
son Zemaun after _him_, pursued the very same policy. They have been
both taxed with foolish ambition. It was not _that_: the historian has
not perceived the key to their conduct:--it was the instinct of
self-preservation. No otherwise than by exhausting the martial
restlessness of the Affghans upon foreign expeditions, was durability to
be had for any government. To live as a dynasty, it was indispensable to
cross the Indus in pursuit of plunder. But exactly that policy it was,
the one resource of prudent Affghan princes, the escape-valve for
conspiracy and treason, which Lord Auckland's army had been put in
motion to abolish.
Now, _thirdly_, let us examine the machinery by which these plans were
to be executed. Under the last head we have seen that, if on the whole
perhaps the best instrument at hand, and better essentially than the
Dost, very soon, indeed, Shah Soojah must have learned the necessity of
passing over to that aggressive system which he had been raised up to
destroy. Merely for his own safety he must have done this. But now
suppose this otherwise, and that Soojah had continued to be that passive
instrument for the Indian cabinet which their plans required and
presumed. Even on this supposition, our agent or lieutenant Soojah would
have required at first some support. By what machinery was this to be
given? What was to be the instrument for sustaining our instrument?
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