Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 67, No. 411, January 1850Various
History
Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 67, No. 411, January 1850
Various
England -- Periodicals; Scotland -- Periodicals
This circumstance suggests a very important consideration, on which
it well becomes the people of this country to ponder, in reasoning
from the example of France to themselves. It is not unusual now to
hear the opinion advanced, that the result of universal suffrage in
France proves that the apprehensions entertained on this subject, on
this side of the Channel, are unfounded; and that, in truth, there
is no such effectual barrier against revolution as universal, or, at
least, a very low suffrage. America is frequently referred to, also,
in confirmation of the same opinion. But under what circumstances
has universal suffrage been forced to uphold property in these two
countries? Recollect that both are overspread with a host of small
proprietors: in France no less than 6,000,000 persons, for the most
part in very indigent circumstances, being holders of land; and in
America, the whole soil, from its having been so recently reclaimed
from the forest, and the law of equal succession, _ab intestato_,
being in the hands of the actual cultivators. But can any opinion
be formed from this as to what would be the effect of a change in
the electoral law, which created 6,000,000 of voters in a country
where there are not 300,000 holders of land, and not above an equal
number of proprietors in the funds? It is evident that we can never
argue from a country which _has been revolutionised_, and where
property _has been divided_, to one where neither of these events
has taken place. Doubtless the robber will make a fight before he
allows his prey to be torn from him; and when there are six millions
of persons, for the most part possessed of the fruits of robbery,
the rendering these back will not be very easily effected. But
if we would see the effect of an extended suffrage, in a country
which has not been revolutionised, and where the strong curb-chain
of individual interest does not exist to restrain the majority,
we have only to look to what the electors of France in 1793 did
with the estates of the church and the nobility; to what the
American freeholders did in 1837, when they destroyed five-sixths
commercial wealth of the country, by raising the cry "Bank, or no
Bank:" or what the British ten-pounders have done with the other
classes of society, and, eventually, though they did not intend it,
with themselves, by their measures of free trade and a restricted
currency. Beyond all doubt, _these_ measures would at once be
repealed by an extended constituency; but are we sure they would
stop there? What security have we they would not apply the sponge to
the National Debt, confiscate the church property, and openly, or by
a graduated assessment on land, divide the estates of the nobility?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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