Caesar, Julius; Rome -- History -- Republic, 265-30 B.C.
Those who ought to have been staunch have fallen away. You
see it in their faces. You see it in the words and votes of those whom
we called 'optimates;' so that wise citizens, one of whom I wish to be
and to be thought, must change their course. 'Persuade your countrymen,
if you can,' said Plato; 'but use no violence.' Plato found that he
could no longer persuade the Athenians, and therefore he withdrew from
public life. Advice could not move them, and he held force to be
unlawful. My case was different. I was not called on to undertake
public responsibilities. I was content to further my own interests, and
to defend honest men's causes. Caesar's goodness to me and to my
brother would have bound me to him whatever had been his fortunes. Now
after so much glory and victory I should speak nobly of him though I
owed him nothing." [22]
Happy it would have been for Cicero, and happy for Rome, had he
persevered in the course which he now seemed really to have chosen.
Cicero and Caesar united might have restored the authority of the laws,
punished corruption and misgovernment, made their country the mother as
well as the mistress of the world; and the Republic, modified to suit
the change of times, might have survived for many generations. But
under such a modification, Cicero would have no longer been the first
person in the Commonwealth. The talkers would have ceased to rule, and
Cicero was a talker only. He could not bear to be subordinate. He was
persuaded that he, and not Caesar, was the world's real great man; and
so he held on, leaning now to one faction and now to another, waiting
for the chance which was to put him at last in his true place. For the
moment, however, he saved himself from the degradation into which the
Senate precipitated itself. The arrangements at Lucca were the work of
the army. The conservative majority refused to let the army dictate to
them. Domitius intended still to be consul, let the army say what it
pleased. Pompey and Crassus returned to Rome for the elections; the
consuls for the year, Marcellinus and Philip, declined to take their
names. The consuls and the Senate appealed to the Assembly, the Senate
marching into the Forum in state, as if calling on the genius of the
nation to defend the outraged constitution. In vain. The people would
not listen. The consuls were groaned down. No genius of Rome presided
in those meetings, but the genius of revolution in the person of
Clodius. The senators were driven back into the Curia, and Clodius
followed them there. The officers forbade his entrance. Furious young
aristocrats flew upon him, seized him, and would have murdered him in
their rage. Clodius shrieked for help. His rascal followers rushed in
with lighted torches, swearing to burn house and Senate if a hair of
Clodius's head were hurt. They bore their idol off in triumph; and the
wretched senators sat gazing at each other, or storming at Pompey, and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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