Caesar, Julius; Rome -- History -- Republic, 265-30 B.C.
To the student of political history, and to the English student above
all others, the conversion of the Roman Republic into a military empire
commands a peculiar interest. Notwithstanding many differences, the
English and the Romans essentially resemble one another. The early
Romans possessed the faculty of self-government beyond any people of
whom we have historical knowledge, with the one exception of ourselves.
In virtue of their temporal freedom, they became the most powerful
nation in the known world; and their liberties perished only when Rome
became the mistress of conquered races, to whom she was unable or
unwilling to extend her privileges. If England was similarly supreme,
if all rival powers were eclipsed by her or laid under her feet, the
Imperial tendencies, which are as strongly marked in us as our love of
liberty, might lead us over the same course to the same end. If there
be one lesson which history clearly teaches, it is this, that free
nations cannot govern subject provinces. If they are unable or
unwilling to admit their dependencies to share their own constitution,
the constitution itself will fall in pieces from mere incompetence for
its duties.
We talk often foolishly of the necessities of things, and we blame
circumstances for the consequences of our own follies and vices; but
there are faults which are not faults of will, but faults of mere
inadequacy to some unforeseen position. Human nature is equal to much,
but not to everything. It can rise to altitudes where it is alike
unable to sustain itself or to retire from them to a safer elevation.
Yet when the field is open it pushes forward, and moderation in the
pursuit of greatness is never learnt and never will be learnt. Men of
genius are governed by their instinct; they follow where instinct leads
them; and the public life of a nation is but the life of successive
generations of statesmen, whose horizon is bounded, and who act from
day to day as immediate interests suggest. The popular leader of the
hour sees some present difficulty or present opportunity of
distinction. He deals with each question as it arises, leaving future
consequences to those who are to come after him. The situation changes
from period to period, and tendencies are generated with an
accelerating force, which, when once established, can never be
reversed. When the control of reason is once removed, the catastrophe
is no longer distant, and then nations, like all organized creations,
all forms of life, from the meanest flower to the highest human
institution, pass through the inevitably recurring stages of growth and
transformation and decay. A commonwealth, says Cicero, ought to be
immortal, and for ever to renew its youth. Yet commonwealths have
proved as unenduring as any other natural object:
Everything that grows
Holds in perfection but a little moment,
And this huge state presenteth nought but shows,
Whereon the stars in silent influence comment.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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