Democracy; Fröbel, Friedrich, 1782-1852; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Take his clubs and his routs away from Thackeray, his hunting away from
White-Melville, his peasantry away from Scott, his street life away
from Dickens, and where would their books be? Vigorous and picturesque
individuality must precede good fiction. The great American novel,
except as the outcome of a vigorous social life, is the dream of an
idiot. You must have an age of ebullition, where the spontaneous life
about the novelist forces itself into his books, before you can have
good fiction. Architecture depends so plainly upon social life, that
we have only to look at our country houses from Colonial times down,
to read the hearts of the inmates. And so with the other fine arts and
decorations, they are mere languages.
It is thought that our modern life is more complex than that of the
eighteenth century, because the machinery by which it is carried on is
expanded. Transportation, newspapers, corporations, oceans of books
and magazines, foreign cables, have changed the forms by which power
is transmitted. But the manifestations of humanity in government, in
social life, and in the arts proceed upon the same principles as ever.
Everything depends as completely on personal intercourse as it did in
Athens. The real struggle comes between two men across a table, my
force against your force. The devices which political philosophy has
always approved, are those which protect the spirit of the individual,
and enable it to grow strong. The struggles for English liberty have
been struggles over taxation. The rights of the sovereign to seize
a man’s property, or imprison his body without form of law, were
abolished. This comparative financial independence of the English
subject has been valued as the basis of spiritual independence. It
has no other claim to be thought important. Yet while we have been
praising our bills of rights and bulwarks of liberty, commerce in the
United States has been bringing power after power, battalion after
battalion, to bear upon the integrity of spirit of the individual man.
Here is a situation which no legislation can meet. Civil liberty has
been submerged in the boss system. But this is a mere symptom. It is
valuable only because it brings strikingly into view the intellectual
bondage it denotes. It is valuable only because it gives us a fighting
ground, an educational arena in which the fight for intellectual
liberty may be begun.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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