Democracy; Fröbel, Friedrich, 1782-1852; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The English, who gave us all we know of freedom, have been the first
to understand its meaning. They too have suffered during the last
century from the ravages of plutocracy, from the disease of commerce.
But they had behind them the intellectual heritage of the world. They
had bulwarks of education, philanthropy, thought, training, ambition,
enthusiasm, the ideals of man. It was these things, this reservoir of
spiritual power, that turned the tide of commercialism in England, and
not as we so cheaply imagine her “leisure class.” The men and women who
in the last ten years have taken hold of the Municipality of London,
and now work like beavers in its reform, are not rich. Some of them may
be rich, but the force that makes them toil comes neither out of riches
nor out of poverty, but out of a discovery as to the use of life. These
Englishmen have outlived the illusions of business. As towards them we
are like children. If it were a matter of mere riches we have wealth
enough to make their “leisure class” ridiculous. If there must be some
term in the heaping of money before the energies of our better burghers
are to be diverted toward public ends, we may wait till doomsday. But
the reaction is of another sort, and is very simple. Let us be just
to the conscience-givers. They dare not give more. The American is
ashamed to lose a dollar. He does not want the dollar half the time,
but he will lose caste if he foregoes it. Our merchant princes go on
special commissions for rapid transit, and receive $5000 apiece. They
must be paid. Out of custom they must receive pay because “their time
is valuable,” and thus the virtue and meaning of their office receives
a soil: they do not work. All this is, even at the present moment,
against the private instincts of many of them. It is apparent that they
stand without, shame-faced. It needs only example to give them courage.
A few more reform movements in which they see each other as citizens,
will knock the shackles from their imagination and make men of them.
And then we shall have reform in earnest. For with this enfranchisement
will come their great awakening to the fact that not they only but all
men are really unselfish. It is the obscure disbelief in this salvation
which has made reform so hard where it might be so easy. As soon as the
reformers shall have reformed themselves, they will avoid making any
appeal to self-interest as so much lost time, so much corruption, and
will walk boldly upon the waves of idealism which will hold them up.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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