Democracy; Fröbel, Friedrich, 1782-1852; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
When two men are fighting and agree that they will stop at sundown,
we have government. Their consent is government. Their memory of that
consent is an institution. There never was a government of any kind or
for any purpose that did not rest upon the consent of the governed; but
the means by which the consent is obtained have varied. The consent
records the extent to which the individuals are alike. It is only by
virtue of similarity in the governed that government exists. On a
ship, all men are alike in their danger of being drowned, and they
consent to dictation from the captain for the welfare of all. The aim
of the despot is to keep the population alike in their need of him
or their fear of him. After the French Revolution, the entire French
people were alike both in their desire for order and in their lack of
training in self-government. A dictator was inevitable. Gouverneur
Morris, whose experience in America qualified him to judge, saw the
matter clearly as early as 1791. Napoleon kept the people alike, by the
two opposite means of giving them social order and foreign war. Henry
V. kept himself on top in England by waging war in France. Seward in
1861 thought to unite the people of the United States by declaring war
against everybody in Europe. The German Emperor is sustained to-day
by the popular fear of France and Russia. It makes no difference what
foolishness he commits; so long as that fear predominates he will be
absolute.
For the converse proposition is also true, that in so far as people
are like-minded, they must be ruled by a single mind. A hundred Malays
cannot establish a representative government. They must have a boss.
The population of Russia can only be ruled by a Czar. So also whenever
under any form of government all the people want one thing, one man
does it. The reasons for it are invented afterwards, and “war powers”
are found to justify the proclamation setting the slaves free.
The extent to which people are similar to each other will be recorded
in their institutions; in fact, those institutions are nothing but
dials of similarity. For this reason any popular national institution
gives you the nation. Moreover any ruler, any system, any consent has
a tendency to modify the future because he or it is advertised and
established. It is a factor in the consciousness of every individual.
It is the conservative. It tends to affect the conduct and mind of
every one, for any one coming in contact with it must conform or
resist. It is a challenge to the individual. It impinges upon him.
The thing changes daily in his mind, and occupies now more, now less,
of his activities. In cases where his whole external conduct has
been absorbed by one such power we have absolute rule, religious or
military, and a uniform population. If there be a single predominating
power which has not yet completely conquered, we have in some form or
another a record of its growth by a tendency toward absolutism.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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