Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh EditionRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
Charles Bradlaugh: a Record of His Life and Work, Volume 2 (of 2): With an Account of his Parliamentary Struggle, Politics and Teachings. Seventh Edition
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Bradlaugh, Charles, 1833-1891
The action of the Home Rulers is perhaps specially notable. Some of
them later pretended that their hostility to Mr Bradlaugh was due to
a single vote he gave on the Arms Bill. It will be seen that they
opposed him in great force before he had ever had a chance to vote
at all, and this on a simple claim that he should be allowed to make
affirmation. Mr Justin M'Carthy, in keeping with his general attitude
on religious questions, sought from the first to exclude the Atheist
from Parliament. The only other plea open to the majority was that
Bradlaugh had "forced his Atheism on the House." This was the line
taken, for instance, not only by Sir Hardinge Giffard, but by Sir
Walter Barttelot, a typical Tory squire and "English gentleman," who
just before Bradlaugh's death in 1891 won for himself some credit
by a frank tribute to his honesty of character. Were it not for the
countenance given by Mr John Morley at the time to a patently unjust
account of Bradlaugh's action--an account which Gladstone as well as
Bright then explicitly contradicted--one would be disposed to point to
the general repetition of the untruth by the Tory press and party as
proving how worthless a thing the "honour and conscience" of English
gentlemen is in matters of public action. It is a matter of simple
fact that Bradlaugh all along anxiously sought to keep his Atheism
out of cognisance of the susceptibilities of the House;[137] and it
is perfectly certain that had he come forward to take the oath at
the outset, he would not only have been afterwards vilified by the
Opposition as a blasphemous hypocrite, but would have been challenged
all the same by Wolff and the rest. The matter had been openly
discussed beforehand. There is thus no conclusion open save that the
majority in the vote on the affirmation motion did a gross injustice;
and though the really religious men in the House, as Gladstone and
Bright, were mostly on the other side, and the religiosity of the
aggressors was in many cases a nauseous farce, it must be assumed
that religion counted for much[138] in the matter. Parnell in the
next stage of the question avowed that he had been on Bradlaugh's
side from the first, but had found himself opposed on the point by
"the great majority of the Irish members." There would seem to be no
doubt that the Catholic priesthood--actively represented by Cardinal
Manning--determined the action of Parnell's followers, and later his
own. It is perhaps not unprofitable to reflect that most of the
"Liberal" wrongdoers have since paid some penalties. Some dozen lost
their seats at next election on the Bradlaugh issue. The Home Rulers
have felt to the full the power of fanaticism against themselves; and
Parnell, who later yielded to the bigotry of his party, lived to know
all the bitterness of religious injustice. A minor Scotch Liberal then
on the wrong side, Mr Maclagan, has lately been unseated by clerical
effort; and doubtless others could testify that they who draw the sword
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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