This proposition is enforced by another consideration which seems to me entitled to weight. I have nothing to say now on the general question of reducing the army or modifying the existing military system. But I do affirm, confidently, that the genius of our institutions favors civil life rather than military life,--and that, in harmony with this, it is our duty, whenever the public interests will permit, to limit and restrict the sphere of military influence. This is not a military monarchy, where the soldier is supreme, but a republic, where the soldier yields to the civilian. But the law, as it now stands, gives to the soldier an absolute preference in a service which is not military, and which, from its nature, belongs to civil life. The manufacture of arms is a mechanical pursuit, and, for myself, I can see no reason why it should not be placed in charge of one bred to the business. Among the intelligent mechanics of Massachusetts there are many fully fit to be at the head of the arsenal at Springfield; but by the existing law all these are austerely excluded from any such trust. The idea which has fallen from so many Senators, that the superintendent of an armory ought to be a military man, that a military man only is competent, or even that a military man is more competent than a civilian, seems to me as illogical as the jocular fallacy of Dr. Johnson, that he "who drives fat oxen should himself be fat." NECESSITY OF UNION TO UPHOLD FREEDOM. LETTER TO A RHODE ISLAND COMMITTEE, MARCH 26, 1853. WASHINGTON, March 26, 1853. Dear Sir,--I cannot promise myself the pleasure of being in Rhode Island at the time you propose, and am therefore constrained to decline the invitation with which you have honored me. But let me assure you, that, in all our political contests, I see no question comparable in practical importance, as surely there is none equal in moral grandeur, to that which is presented by the Free Democracy, and which now enlists your sympathies. Both the old parties unite in upholding Slavery. It becomes all good citizens to unite in upholding Freedom; nor should any one believe that his single vote may not exert an influence on the struggle. Believe me, dear Sir, faithfully yours, CHARLES SUMNER. GEORGE L. CLARKE, Chairman of the State Central Committee of the Free Democracy of Rhode Island. AGAINST SECRECY IN PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE. SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE PROPOSITION TO LIMIT THE SECRET SESSIONS OF THE SENATE, APRIL 6, 1853. The following resolution was submitted by Mr. Chase, of Ohio.