Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 05 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
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Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 05 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
“_Resolved_, That the notice which has been given by
the President to Denmark, pursuant to the resolution of
the Senate of the 3d of March, 1855, to terminate the
treaty with that power of the 26th of April in the year
1826, is sufficient to cause such treaty to terminate and
be annulled to all intents whatsoever, pursuant to the
eleventh article thereof, and that no other or further act
of legislation is necessary to put an end to said treaty,
as part of the law of the land.”
This was considered May 8th, 1856, when Mr. Sumner spoke as
follows.
Mr. President,--As this subject was originally brought before the
Senate on my motion, I hope to be indulged while I state briefly what
seems to be the true state of the question.
By the usage of most countries, the war-making power, the
treaty-making power, and the treaty-abrogating power are all lodged in
one and the same body. For instance, in England, the Queen in council
declares war, makes treaties, and also abrogates treaties: so also do
the other sovereigns of Europe. This is the growth of custom, and has
become European constitutional law. But it is otherwise in the United
States, where, according to the Constitution, the war-making power
is expressly lodged in Congress, while the treaty-making power is
expressly lodged in the President, acting with the advice of two thirds
of the Senate. Nothing express appears in the Constitution with regard
to the treaty-abrogating power. We are left to argument and inference,
in order to ascertain whether this great attribute belongs with the
war-making power to Congress, or with the treaty-making power to the
President and Senate.
To me there are three considerations, each of which seems to be
decisive, while the three combined compel us irresistibly to the true
conclusion.
_First._ In the absence of any express words in the Constitution,
the power to abrogate treaties should not be attributed to any _mere
fraction_ of the Government, as to the President, or to the President
and Senate, nor to any branches short of the whole Government embodied
in an Act of Congress. In view of the magnitude of the power, I am at a
loss to see how any other conclusion can be adopted on this point.
_Secondly._ The Constitution has expressly lodged the war-making power
in Congress, and, in doing so, seems by implication to have placed the
treaty-abrogating power in the same body; for the latter seems to be an
incident of the former. The abrogation of a treaty may be the prelude
of war; indeed, it may practically amount to a declaration of war.
The powers, though differing in degree, are kindred in character, and
should go together.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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