Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 08 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 08 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
The same pretension showed itself constantly under the administration
of Mr. Jefferson. Throughout the eight years of his Presidency, the
repeated outrages of British cruisers never for a moment allowed it
to be forgotten. Mr. Madison, during this full period, was Secretary
of State, and none of the varied productions of his pen are more
masterly than those in which he exposed this tyranny. In the course
of the discussion he showed the special hardship found in the fact
that sailors were taken from the ship at the mere will of an officer,
without any form of judicial proceedings, and thus early presented
against the pretension of Great Britain the precise objection now
adopted by her. Here are his emphatic words, in the celebrated
instructions to Mr. Monroe, our Minister at London, dated January 5,
1804:--
“Taking reason and justice for the tests of this practice,
_it is peculiarly indefensible, because it deprives the
dearest rights of persons of a regular trial_, to which the
most inconsiderable article of property captured on the high
seas is entitled, and _leaves their destiny_ to the will of
an officer, sometimes cruel, often ignorant, and generally
interested, by his want of mariners, in his own decisions.
Whenever property found in a neutral vessel is supposed to be
liable, on any grounds, to capture and condemnation, the rule
in all cases is, that the question shall not be decided by the
captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular
trial may be had, and where the captor himself is liable to
damages for an abuse of his power. Can it be reasonable, then,
or just, that a belligerent commander, who is thus restricted
and thus responsible in a case of mere property of trivial
amount, should be permitted, _without recurring to any tribunal
whatever, to examine the crew of a neutral vessel, to decide
the important question of their respective allegiances_, and
to carry that decision into instant execution, by forcing
every individual he may choose into a service abhorrent to his
feelings, cutting him off from his most tender connections,
exposing his mind and his person to the most humiliating
discipline, and his life itself to the greatest dangers?
Reason, justice, and humanity unite in protesting against so
extravagant a proceeding.”[48]
Negotiations on this principle, thus distinctly enunciated, were
intrusted at London to James Monroe, afterwards President of the United
States, and William Pinkney, the most accomplished master of Prize Law
our country has produced. But they were unsuccessful. Great Britain
persisted. In reply to a proposal of the British commissioners, as
reported in a joint letter to Mr. Madison, dated at London, September
11, 1806, the plenipotentiaries declared,--
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