“I find also a provision in the seventh [eighth] clause of the ninth section of the first article, that ‘no person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.’ If a Senator holds no office of profit or trust under the United States, it is _lawful_ for him to accept a present, title, or office from any king or foreign state. Can it be possible that a public functionary, of all others the peculiar object of this jealous restriction, is, in fact, the sole object of exemption from its operation? Can it be imagined that a Senator, upon whom the Constitution has heaped the powers and trusts of legislator, judge, and executive magistrate, is the only person who is left exposed to the seductions of foreign influence? It can never be admitted that a situation which from its trust and importance most invites corruption is the only one which the Constitution has not guarded against. If, Sir, a Senator be not an officer under this clause, it might happen that the Senate of the United States might become a House of Lords. It would be in the power of any king in Europe to change our free government, and to convert one branch, at least, from a republican into an aristocratic form. You will not suffer an ensign in your army to accept the humble title of Chevalier, and yet you will allow an integral part of the Government to be composed of earls and dukes. And let me pray the honorable Court to remember, at the same time, that the Constitution has provided that a member of either House shall not be allowed to retain his seat and hold any commission, civil or military, under the United States. The President has no titles to grant, nor offices of great emolument to confer; and yet the chaste republicanism of the Constitution will not allow a Senator to feel the influence of his patronage; and yet, at the same time, he may _lawfully_ be the pensioner or the titular noble of a foreign power. Such a doctrine is not simply absurd, but infinitely dangerous.”[303] In view of these emphatic words, it is difficult to see how any person can insist that a “Senator” is not a “civil officer,” even according to the text of the Constitution. Conceding to the judgment on the trial of impeachment all the authority which can belong to it, you cannot properly deduce from it any conclusion, except that a Senator already expelled is not a “civil officer” liable to impeachment: nothing beyond this.