Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 17 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
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Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 17 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
The Senator from California [Mr. CASSERLY] has read to you the clause.
We have been reminded to-day by a Senator on this floor that these are
formal words, words that often appear in statutes. But are they not
significant words? Have they not a meaning? Why are they there? Because
they have a meaning; because they reserve to Congress what I call
plenary power over the whole system. That system may be readjusted,
modified, shaped anew, and the banks cannot complain. They began their
existence under that law; they knew the conditions of their being; and
they cannot now murmur, if Congress chooses to exercise the prerogative
which it reserved at the very inception of the whole system.
Sir, I approach this question, therefore, with the conviction that the
whole matter is open to our discretion. Nobody can say safely that what
is now proposed is not within the power of Congress. Congress may do
it, if the occasion justifies, if in its discretion it thinks best to
do it. It may do it, if it thinks that the financial policy of this
country will be thereby promoted. The banks are all parties to that
policy. May not the country turn around and ask the banks to do their
part in this great work of renovation? To a certain extent the banks
are in partnership with the Government. May not the Government insist
that they shall do their part on this great occasion? Shall this effort
of ours to readjust our finances and to save this large interest to our
country be thwarted by a pretension on the part of the banks that we
have not the power to interfere?
But we are reminded that there is a difference between power and right.
How often, Sir, on other occasions, have I so insisted in this Chamber!
A great, broad, vital distinction there always is between power and
right. A nation or an individual may have a power without right. Now
is there not here a right as well as a power? I cannot doubt it. I
cannot doubt that Congress may rightfully exercise what I cannot doubt
is an existing power. Why should it not? It could exercise it--who can
doubt?--with reference to the public interests, to promote the national
credit. It will not exercise it in any spirit of wantonness, in any
spirit of injustice,--but to promote the national credit. Is not that
a rightful object? No one will say the contrary. Why, then, shall we
hesitate?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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