Pardon me,--but, if you are not moved by considerations of justice under the Constitution, then I appeal to that humbler motive which is found in the desire for success. Do this and you will assure the triumph of all that you can most desire. Party, country, mankind, will be elevated, while the Equal Rights of All will be fixed on a foundation not less enduring than the Rock of Ages. The bill offered by Mr. Sumner as a substitute for the original joint resolution was rejected; and the latter, embodying the proposed Amendment to the Constitution, failed for want of the requisite two-thirds of the votes cast,--these standing, Yeas 31, Nays 27. CLAIMS ON ENGLAND,--INDIVIDUAL AND NATIONAL. SPEECH ON THE JOHNSON-CLARENDON TREATY, IN EXECUTIVE SESSION OF THE SENATE, APRIL 13, 1869. MR. PRESIDENT,--A report recommending that the Senate do not advise and consent to a treaty with a foreign power, duly signed by the plenipotentiary of the nation, is of rare occurrence. Treaties are often reported with amendments, and sometimes without any recommendation; but I do not recall an instance, since I came into the Senate, where such a treaty has been reported with the recommendation which is now under consideration. The character of the treaty seemed to justify the exceptional report. The Committee did not hesitate in the conclusion that it ought to be rejected, and they have said so. I do not disguise the importance of this act; but I believe that in the interest of peace, which every one should have at heart, the treaty must be rejected. A treaty, which, instead of removing an existing grievance, leaves it for heart-burning and rancor, cannot be considered a settlement of pending questions between two nations. It may seem to settle them, but does not. It is nothing but a snare. And such is the character of the treaty now before us. The massive grievance under which our country suffered for years is left untouched; the painful sense of wrong planted in the national heart is allowed to remain. For all this there is not one word of regret, or even of recognition; nor is there any semblance of compensation. It cannot be for the interest of either party that such a treaty should be ratified. It cannot promote the interest of the United States, for we naturally seek justice as the foundation of a good understanding with Great Britain; nor can it promote the interest of Great Britain, which must also seek a real settlement of all pending questions. Surely I do not err, when I say that a wise statesmanship, whether on our side or on the other side, must apply itself to find the real root of evil, and then, with courage tempered by candor and moderation, see that it is extirpated. This is for the interest of both parties, and anything short of it is a failure. It is sufficient to say that the present treaty does no such thing, and that, whatever may have been the disposition of