THE GREAT FIRE AT CHICAGO, AND OUR DUTY. Speech at Faneuil Hall, at a Meeting for the Relief of Sufferers at Chicago, October 10, 1871 161 RIGHTS AND DUTIES OR OUR COLORED FELLOW-CITIZENS. Letter to the National Convention of Colored Citizens at Columbia, South Carolina, October 12, 1871 164 ONE TERM FOR PRESIDENT. Resolution and Remarks in the Senate, December 21, 1871 168 THE BEST PORTRAITS IN ENGRAVING. Article in “The City,” an Illustrated Magazine, New York, January 1, 1872 175 EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW PROTECTED BY NATIONAL STATUTE. Speeches in the Senate, on his Supplementary Civil Rights Bill, as an Amendment to the Amnesty Bill. January 15, 17, 31, February 5, and May 21, 1872 203 COLORED SCHOOLS IN WASHINGTON. SPEECH IN THE SENATE, FEBRUARY 8, 1871. On the motion of Mr. Patterson, of New Hampshire, Chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia, to strike out from a bill relative to schools in the District the clause,-- “And no distinction, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, shall be made in the admission of pupils to any of the schools under the control of the Board of Education, or in the mode of education or treatment of pupils in such schools,”-- Mr. Sumner said:-- MR. PRESIDENT,--My friend, the Chairman of the Committee, says that this proposition is correct in principle. But to my mind nothing is clearer than that where anything is correct in principle it must by inevitable law be correct in practice. Nobody here makes this law,--not the Senate, not Congress. By a higher law than any from human power, whatever is correct in principle must be correct in practice. I stand on this rule. It is the teaching of all history; it is the teaching of human life; especially is it the teaching of our national experience during these latter eventful years. How often have propositions been opposed in this Chamber as correct in principle, but not practical! And how often what was correct in principle triumphed over every obstacle! When the proposition for the abolition of Slavery in the District was brought forward, we were told that it was correct in principle, but that it would not work well,--that it was not practical! So when the proposition was brought forward to give the colored people the right to testify in court, we were assured that it was correct in principle, but that it would not be practical.