Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 20 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 20 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
I doubt much if the true rule can be laid down in better words than
those I quoted on a former occasion from the Spanish minister at
Stockholm, denouncing the sale of Swedish frigates.[8] He protested
against “arms and munitions furnished through _intermediate
speculators_, under pretence of not knowing the result,” which
he exhibited as an “act of hostility” and a “political scandal.”
According to this excellent protest, the sale is not protected from
condemnation merely by “intermediate speculators” and the “pretence
of not knowing the result.” And this is only according to undoubted
reason. It is simply a question of good faith; and if, taking into view
the circumstances of the case and the condition of the times, there
is reasonable ground to believe that “intermediate speculators” are
purchasing for a belligerent, then the sale cannot be made, nor will
any “pretence of not knowing the result” be of avail.
In harmony with this Spanish protest is the calm statement of a Joint
Committee of Congress, where this question of international duty is
treated wisely. I read from the report of Mr. Jenckes on the sale of
certain ironclads:--
“Perhaps the international feature of this transaction is the
most grave one for the consideration of Congress. It is a matter
of notorious public history that war was being carried on in the
years 1865 and 1866 between the Government of Spain, on the one
hand, and the Governments of Peru and Chili, on the other. During
the pendency of hostilities, applications were made to obtain
possession of these vessels for one of the belligerents. If the
Government of the United States had been _privy_ to any arrangement
by which these vessels of war should be delivered to the agents
of a belligerent, either in our own ports or upon the high seas,
it would certainly have violated its international obligations.
Of course, when Congress authorized the sale of these vessels, it
was known that individuals had no use for them; yet it might have
assumed, as in the case of the Dunderberg and the Onondaga,”--
Now mark the words, if you please,--
“that the Executive Department would take care that any
individual who should purchase with a view to a resale to some
foreign power would not be permitted to violate the obligations of
the United States as a neutral nation.”[9]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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