Chile and Her People of To-day: An Account of the Customs, Characteristics, Amusements, History and Advancement of the Chileans, and the Development and Resources of Their CountryWinter, Nevin O. (Nevin Otto)
History
Chile and Her People of To-day: An Account of the Customs, Characteristics, Amusements, History and Advancement of the Chileans, and the Development and Resources of Their Country
Winter, Nevin O. (Nevin Otto)
Chile; National characteristics, Chilean
The government in Chile is rather different from that of most of the
Latin-American countries. In form it is like unto that of the United
States; in fact, it is a government of a few of the leading families. In
theory the President is the executive head; in practice, that official is
very much of a cipher. Absolute powers for the executive, that prevailed
for the first half century of the republic, have been abolished, and
Congress is now the real ruling power. Whether the country is ruled or
misruled the blame must be placed on that body, for its authority is
very broad. In it a small group of families, generally said to be one
hundred, always predominate. Among these will be some who have become
rich through banking or commercial development, but most of them are
landowners in families that have been prominent for generations. All
the honours and emoluments are kept within this small circle. To it may
be added the power of the Church, for that organization has been most
powerful in political matters. It has been in times past simply a part
of the political system. In recent years the government has insisted on
the right to name the Archbishop, and Rome has been practically forced to
concede this privilege. As a rule the influence of the Church has been in
favour of what might be termed the reactionary element.
As has been stated elsewhere the President is assisted by a body of
advisors, the majority of whom are chosen by the parliamentary body.
This has led to frequent and oftentimes ridiculous ministerial crises.
These numerous cabinet changes embarrass an executive in whatever
policy he may be trying to develop. But he is helpless under the theory
of parliamentary government that has grown up. Whenever the President
proposes a certain cabinet, he is met by a counter proposition from
some group or other in the legislative bodies. Sometimes he may gain
a little temporary majority by a coalition or fusion of some of the
groups represented in Congress. Selfish interests or jealousies,
however, soon break the union. It is at times embarrassing to diplomatic
representatives, for no sooner have they completed negotiations with one
cabinet official than he is succeeded by another. No vice-president
is elected, the executive office, if vacated by death or resignation,
is filled temporarily by the Minister of the Interior, who is usually
a member either of the Senate or House of Deputies. The Congress will
then select a new executive. A change in this system, which would make
the executive more independent, and provision for a different succession
might work marvels. This was the trouble with that able and progressive
President, Balmaceda. To carry out his beneficial policies he defied
Congress, and a bloody civil war followed.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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