America’s and Britain’s recognition of the Chinese republic might naturally raise a temporary discontent in the Philippines, India and Egypt, but in homogeneity and responsibility these patronized people can not compare with the Chinese. If it should turn out that China, like Russia and Japan, is not yet ready for republican or constitutional self-government, much less is the non-fusible muddle of Viscayan, Tagalog, Ilocano and Moro, in the lovely summer islands; Mohammedan and Bengalese and Copt, Fellahin and Sudanese. Altruism is a sane creature, walking steadily on two legs, and is not going to lose its head and permit anarchy anywhere just to humor sentimentalism. Theodore Roosevelt made this plain in his Guildhall speech at London, which landed Kitchener in Egypt again to finish his work, and it would apply as well to-day when certain overanxious Filipinos compare their organization, temperament and constitution with the superior Chinese. America, like Britain, can strike with the same hand with which she shakes hands. The civil service and a host of foreign school-teachers in the Philippines and India is the shaking of hands. Let the Philippines and India appreciate it in that way. It would be quite different for them if monarchical Germany, Japan or Russia controlled. We shall recognize the republican trial in China because we believe China is homogeneous, educated and patient enough to make that trial safely, but neither America nor Britain will for a long time yet permit the trial in the Philippines, India or Egypt. If those countries ask the Anglo-Saxon why, we have but one answer; “Look at your history until we managed your interests, and look at our history.” In recognition of Japan’s power, America has dropped her first line of defense back to Pearl Harbor, Hawaii. In a new understanding of Britain’s oneness with us; of the Philippines linking Australia, India and Canada; of China’s welcome of our style of government and altruism, let us, when we have the docks, move our advance line back to the Philippines; for we mean to have as much to say in protecting China as any other power, which policy does not involve annoying illustrious Japan. But we are going to be on the ground, for as far as Russia and Japan and some others are concerned, they have a land-grabbing appetite and tendency which is not calculated to give China fair play in bringing out the great possibilities which are in her, if we respect her most majestic history. If the complaint is listened to, and America and Britain should withdraw, consider the kind of liberty our successors would deal out: the oligarchic rule of Russia, and the Satsuma and Choshiu nepotism of Japan.