Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1800-1837 -- Fiction; Historical fiction; Political fiction
Not that his Tory principles were not strong. During five Parliaments
he had filled one of his own seats, and had spoken from time to time
after a dignified fashion, with formal gestures and a copious
sprinkling of classical allusions. The Liberal Toryism of Canning had
fallen below his ideal, but he had continued to sit until the betrayal
of the party by Peel and the Duke—on the Catholic Claims—drove him from
the House in disgust, and thenceforth Warren’s Hotel, his residence
when in town, saw him but seldom. He had fancied then that nothing
worse could happen; that the depths were plumbed, and that he and those
who thought with him might punish the traitor and take no harm. With
the Duke of Cumberland, the best hated man in England—which was never
tired of ridiculing his moustachios—Eldon, Wetherell, and the
ultra-Tories, he had not rested until he had seen the hated pair flung
from office; nor was any man more surprised and confounded when the
result of the work began to show itself. The Whigs, admitted to power
by this factious movement, and after an exile so long that Byron could
write of them—
_Naught’s permanent among the human race
Except the Whigs not getting into place_
—brought in no mild and harmless measure of reform, promising little
and giving nothing, such as foe and friend had alike expected; but a
measure of reform so radical that O’Connell blessed it, and Cobbett
might have fathered it: a measure which, if it passed, would sweep away
Sir Robert’s power and the power of his class, destroy his borough, and
relegate him to the common order of country squires.
He was at first incredulous, then furious, then aghast. To him the Bill
was not only the doom of his own influence but the knell of the
Constitution. Behind it he saw red revolution and the crash of things.
Lord Grey was to him Mirabeau, Lord John was Lafayette, Brougham was
Danton; and of them and of their kind, when they had roused the
many-headed, he was sure that the end would be as the end of the
Gironde.
He was not the less furious, not the less aghast, when the moderates of
his party pointed out that he had himself to thank for the catastrophe.
From the refusal to grant the smallest reform, from the refusal to
transfer the franchise of the rotten borough of Retford to the
unrepresented city of Birmingham—a refusal which he had urged his
members to support—the chain was complete; for in consequence of that
refusal Mr. Huskisson had left the Duke’s Cabinet. The appointment of
Mr. Fitzgerald to fill his seat had rendered the Clare election
necessary. O’Connell’s victory at the Clare election had converted Peel
and the Duke to the necessity of granting the Catholic Claims. That
conversion had alienated the ultra-Tories, and among these Sir Robert.
The opposition of the ultra-Tories had expelled Peel and the Duke from
power—which had brought in the Whigs—who had brought in the Reform
Bill.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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