And let any one tell me what is the difference between two dealers in Paris credit in the time of a French invasion, and three dealers in paper credit in the time of a Spanish invasion, or what sanctity in Birchin Lane more than in Fleet Street, that one should be a protection for the same practice that was resented so justly in another. Were those stock-jobbers sincerely and heartily in the interest of King George and his government, as they pretend loudly, what run could there be upon the Bank, what ebb of credit, what sinking of stock? The honest Whigs, who were friends to the government at that time, mentioned above, who not only knew their duty, but how to make it seasonable and useful, acted after another manner. When others ran upon the Bank with all the fury possible, they carried all the money thither they could gather up; nay, I could name a man in this city, who, having but £500 in the world, carried it all into the Bank to support the credit of the public; and the story being told to her Majesty by the late Lord Treasurer Godolphin, the sense of such fidelity so moved the queen, that she sent him a hundred pounds as a gift, a royal token of her accepting such an act of loyalty; and caused my Lord to give him an obligation from the Treasury to repay him the whole £500 if any disaster to the Bank should have made it doubtful. Where ’s the like courage and conduct to be found now? Is it in being? Are the gentlemen less able? Or is it that they have not the same zeal for King George as that honest citizen had for the queen? Or do they doubt the king being as sensible of the service? Or what is the matter that the public credit had rather met with injurious juggling and jobbing upon it, than real support, either from Exchange Alley, Birchin Lane, or some other places less noted? Let those men reflect a little upon the circumstances the public credit must have been in by such mismanagement, if the Spanish attempt had been made, and if these easterly Protestant winds had not chopped in, by which Providence has given the government time to put itself in a posture of defence, so as now not to be afraid of them; and if the capital stock of the persons interested in the funds is now sunk a million in the real value of them as they stood before even at the market, which is nothing but what the matter of fact will justify, to what degree would the same current, if it had gone on, have sunk the estates of all the moneyed men in England? In what manner would money have been raised upon a new credit for any immediate exigencies that might have happened? And should the government have been supported,—nay, though the Parliament had granted funds,—while these men had made all credit ebb, perhaps, to twenty-five or thirty per cent. discount? And is not this, then, a species of treason and rebellion?