And, remembering that the two distinct reservees of the Tenth Amendment are respectively named in the Fifth Article, we keep in mind that the new Constitution is both “a federal and a national Constitution.” From which we know, as Wilson knew, that these reservees _are_ named in the Fifth Article, the “state legislatures” because of their limited ability to make _federal_ or declaratory Articles, and the “conventions” because of their ability to make Articles _of every kind_, the “conventions” of the Fifth and Seventh Articles being the people themselves. As we are actually sitting with Wilson in one of the “conventions” of the Seventh Article, there is no possibility of our forgetting, as none of the people in any of those conventions ever forgot, that the “conventions” of the Seventh Article are exactly the same as the “conventions” of the Fifth Article and that both are the people of America, assembled in their “conventions.” None of the Americans in those conventions could be guilty of the ridiculous modern blunder about the Fifth Article. None could possibly read that Article to mean that the American citizens, “assembled in conventions,” were granting to the American citizens, “assembled in conventions,” any ability whatever to _make_ Articles. The modern blunder becomes clear to us. Although the Seventh and Fifth Articles have only been proposed and have not yet been made, we sit in one of those “conventions” about to exercise ability to say “Yes” to any Article, whether federal or national. So, with amazement at the blunder of 1917 and 1920 about the Fifth Article, we listen intently to the Wilson statement which brings home the absurdity of the idea that the Article _is_ a _grant_ of ability to make Articles. As in all those conventions, he is meeting the usual charge that the new Constitution endangers individual liberty because it lacks a bill of rights. As in all the conventions, he is pointing out that no bill of rights is needed in a Constitution which gives to government no power to interfere with individual freedom, except the specific and enumerated powers of the First Article. He is repudiating the thought that anywhere in the Constitution, in its Fifth Article or elsewhere, outside of the First Article, is there any grant to any government of power to interfere with individual liberty. And this is what he has to say about the Philadelphia Convention, which ended in the preceding September, and about the constitutional Articles that Convention proposed, including the Fifth Article. “A proposition to adopt a measure that would have supposed that we were throwing into the general government every power not expressly reserved by the people, would have been spurned, in that House, with the greatest indignation.” (2 _Ell. Deb._ 436.)