Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Constitution. 18th Amendment
Whenever government exists, even government limited to those powers
thought by its citizens necessary to secure human liberty, the weakness
of human nature makes it certain that the exercise of granted powers
will not always be for the common benefit of the citizens who grant
them. When the government is the State and human beings are its
“subjects,” that weakness is usually more apparent. As a result, in
every country the rich and powerful largely secure the actual control
of government. That they may entrench themselves in its control
and the exercise of even its lawful powers, they lavish favors on
a class actually large in number but comparatively constituting a
small minority of the people of the country. For this class, it is of
material advantage that government should be the State and command the
people as its “subjects.” When a man is born or educated as a member of
this minority, it is beyond the experience of the human race that his
mental attitude should not regard the relation of “subject” to ruler as
the proper relation of human being to government.
In those earlier days, in whose experience we have just been educated,
the human beings in America, who had that mental attitude, were
distinguished from the Americans by the name “Tories.” Throughout this
book it is that mental attitude which we characterize as “Tory.” It is
those who display that mental attitude whom we call “Tories.”
At the time of our Revolution it is a historical fact that about one
third of our population was Tory in its mental attitude. Many of the
Tories, quite possibly most of them, were actuated by a sincere and
deep conviction that it was better for every one that human beings
should be subjects. That conviction had been the basis of nearly all
science of government for centuries. It is really a remarkable fact
that our history should show, from their recorded statements and
writings, so many men in 1787 accurately grasping the fallacy of that
historical doctrine that men were made for kings or governments.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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