the only and the invincible challenge to that validity, that new power to interfere with the individual freedom of the American citizen could _only_ be obtained _constitutionally_ by direct action of the American people themselves, assembled in the “conventions” of the Fifth Article. It meant nothing to them that the Fifth Article prescribed that _such_ grants should be valid _only_ when there had been a “Yes” evoked from three fourths of those conventions. If we would realize the amazing ignorance, during the last five years, shown on these matters, we must continue the tale of the proposed new Article. Before the proposed Article had left the Senate for the first time, what we now call Section 2 read, “The Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation.” With the section in that language, the Joint Resolution was passed and sent to the House of Representatives on August 1, 1917. (_Congressional Record_, Vol. 55, p. 5666.) It was reported out of the Judiciary Committee and taken up by the House on December 17, with the proposed Section 2 reading, “The Congress and the several states shall have concurrent power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation.” Somewhat educated with those Americans whose experience made them better acquainted with the science of government than any other people in the world, we realize that only Mark Twain could do full justice to the nature of _this_ alteration to the proposed Section 2. It was not enough that Congress, because it did not have the power to make a certain command to its own citizens, should ask inferior governments, which are not the government of the American citizens, to make that command. It was not enough that the American Congress, when asking these inferior governments to make that command, should ask them to give Congress a future ability to make commands on that subject on which the citizens of America had never given any government or governments ability to make any commands to the citizens of America. The House alteration in the second suggestion from the Senate would indicate that the House became jealous of the Senate ignorance of fundamentals in the relations of governments to one another in America and in the relation of all governments in America to the individual American. It is difficult otherwise to explain the House alteration in the Section 2 of the Amendment which came from the Senate. As the House reported the two sections back to the Senate, this is what the two sections proposed. Section 1 embodied a command (to be made by the inferior state legislatures) which directly interferes with the individual freedom of the American citizens on a subject not enumerated in their First Article. Section 2 embodied a grant of future ability to make similar commands on the same subject, and the grant was to be from the state legislatures to the Congress and _to the very state legislatures_ who were supposed to make the grant itself and the