we average Americans now know, that, only _if_ such mention _were_ stricken from that Fifth Article, could any future possible claim be made that legislative governments have ability to exercise or to grant undelegated power to interfere with individual freedom. With the important object in mind, that he secure _some_ foundation for such claim in the future, he made his motion to strike that mention of our exclusive power from that Fifth Article. As we average Americans know, his effort to have a convention even propose such a Fifth Article to “a people better acquainted with the science of government than any other people in the world” was beaten by the decisive vote of 10 to 1. The proposal of the Eighteenth Amendment by government to government was the attempt of our servant American government to reverse the result of that vote of September 15, 1787. The action of the state legislative governments in America upon that proposed Eighteenth Amendment was an action depending _entirely_ for its validity upon a recount of that vote and the assumption that the convention did strike out that mention of our exclusive power to make national Articles and that the Fifth Article went to the American people and was made by them _without that mention in it_. For which very obvious reasons, we average Americans do not understand how the fact, to which Ashurst made brief allusion on July 30, 1917, was not the basis of every attack made in the Supreme Court by many of the most renowned “constitutional” lawyers in America, when they did assail the validity of that Eighteenth Amendment. It is difficult to pick out the one most remarkable thing in the complete story of the last five years. Yet we are inclined to believe that, from a certain point of view, the one most remarkable thing is the absolute failure of even one of those renowned lawyers to appreciate or know or mention the fact and its _decisive_ effect upon the alleged validity of the Amendment they challenged, the fact that the Fifth Article does name two future makers of Articles, the governments which could and did make the federal Articles of 1781, but which neither could nor did make the First Article of 1787 or the Eighteenth Amendment of 1917, and the citizens of America, who could and did make the First Article of 1787 and who alone can make but have not made the Eighteenth Amendment.