Hamilton went on: “Nothing was more to be desired than that every practicable obstacle should be opposed to cabal, intrigue, and corruption. These most deadly adversaries of republican government might naturally have been expected to make their approaches from more than one quarter.... But the convention have guarded against all danger of this sort, with the most provident and judicious attention. They have not made the appointment of the President [or any grant of new power to interfere with individual freedom] to depend on any preexisting bodies of men, who might be tampered with beforehand to prostitute their votes; but they have referred it, in the first instance to an immediate act of the people of America, to be exerted in the choice of persons for the temporary and sole purpose of making the appointment,” or a proposed grant of new power to interfere with individual liberty.... “Thus without corrupting the body of the people, the immediate agents in the election [or the grant] will at least enter upon the task free from any sinister bias. Their transient existence, and their detached situation, already taken notice of, afford a satisfactory prospect of their continuing so, to the conclusion of it. The business of corruption, when it is to embrace so considerable a number of men, requires time as well as means. Nor would it be found easy suddenly to embark them, dispersed as they would be over thirteen States [now forty-eight States] in any combinations founded upon motives, which though they could not properly be denominated corrupt, might yet be of a nature to mislead them from their duty.” (_Fed._ No. 68.) If Hamilton had been alive to watch the supposed legislative making of the Eighteenth Amendment, he would have seen the manner of that supposed making justify everything he said about the danger of letting permanent government bodies have anything to do with individual liberty, except the proper duty of each legislature to make laws for its own citizens on matters committed to that legislature by those citizens. And, from what we have just quoted, the “constitutional” lawyers of 1920 certainly should have known that, when Hamilton was alive, he and his associates, by their _mention_ of those “legislatures” in the Fifth Article, never subjected themselves and their posterity, ourselves, to an omnipotent ability to do what those governments might will with our individual rights, “in all matters whatsoever.”