“We submit that the conception involved in the bill of complaint, that an amendment duly submitted by Congress on the vote of two thirds of each House, and duly ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the States, is still subject to judicial review, and may be held for naught through judicial action by virtue of a process of implied restrictions upon the amending power--restrictions which thus set up by judicial decree would be unalterable by any constitutional process--is a conception of the most extravagant character and opposed to the fundamental principles of our government. No principle of judicial action can possibly be invoked for sustaining such an authority. The propriety and advisability of amendments, which are not prohibited by the express exceptions in Article V, are necessarily confided to those through whose action the amendments are to be made.” We are quite accustomed to have men like Anderson maintain that governments of state citizens have outlawed _for the citizens of America_ a traffic which Madison hoped would take deep root everywhere in America, a rightful traffic by human beings “so recognized by the usages of the commercial world, the laws of Congress, and the decisions of courts.” (Leisy v. Harden, 135 _U.S._ 100.) When Americans were fighting on the battlefields of the Revolution for human liberty, Walter Butler stirred up the House of the Six Nations to make a home attack. It was natural, therefore, when Americans in 1918 were fighting on the battlefields of Europe for human liberty, that Anderson and men of his type should stir up the Houses of thirty-six nations to make a similar home attack. Americans will probably always have Butlers and Andersons to stir up home attacks, when Americans are away on the battlefields. But it is a grave matter when one who has sat on the Bench of the Supreme Court later contends that the Court has no ability even to review an attempted effort of the legislatures of state citizens to command the citizens of America on a matter not enumerated in the First Article. From the “conventions” of the early American citizens, we bring the knowledge that it is the bounden duty of the Supreme Court to determine that the governments of state citizens have no power whatever to interfere with the individual freedom of American citizens in any matter whatsoever. From those “conventions,” we bring the certain knowledge that the main purpose of the establishment of the Supreme Court, as one department of the only and limited government of American citizens, was that the Supreme Court might protect every individual liberty of the American citizen from usurpation of power by all governments in America.