Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Constitution. 18th Amendment
Any concept to the contrary is the most Tory doctrine ever stated
as American law since July 4, 1776. It is blind to the fact that,
by the Constitution, the whole American people, “in their aggregate
capacity,” created a new nation of men and set it above the existing
and continued federation of states; to the fact that the whole American
people made that Constitution one with _national_ Articles, relating
to the government of men, and with _federal_ Articles, relating to
the government of states; and to the fact that the whole American
people knew and settled that only “conventions” of themselves could
make _national_ Articles, although state legislatures, as attorneys in
fact for their respective states, could make _federal_ Articles; and
to the fact that the Tenth Amendment names two distinct reservees of
existing power, “the states respectively,” who are the members of the
subordinate federation, and “the people,” who are the members of the
supreme nation of men; and to the fact that the Fifth Article grants no
power whatever but mentions the “state legislatures,” who act for the
members of the federation, and the “conventions,” who alone can ever
act for the members of the supreme nation, when the latter are to make
a change in _their_ part of the Constitution, the _national_ part.
But we find the brief of Hughes, like the briefs of his associates,
actually challenging any right of review by the Supreme Court, when
the attorneys in fact for the states and state citizens, although
the states have nothing whatever to do with _that_ part of the dual
Constitution which relates _to the nation of men_, actually attempt to
change the quantum of power (to interfere with their own individual
freedom) granted by the nation of men to their only government. His
challenge even goes to the extreme of boldly asserting that the
“propriety and advisability of amendments,” even though they infringe
upon the individual freedom of the members of the nation of men, must
be finally determined by the governments of state citizens, which have
nothing to do with the nation of men which is America. His challenge
is that the Supreme Court is powerless to protect the liberty of the
American citizens if thirty-six governments of state citizens decide
to interfere with that liberty in matters not enumerated in the First
Article.
The challenge is exactly the challenge of Lord North to the Americans
in 1775. It is exactly the challenge which the British Parliament would
make, if we were still its “subjects.” As basic American law, it is
sheer nonsense.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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