We recall our search to know “when” and “how,” between 1907 and 1917, we became subjects. We remember the first glance at the briefs of 1920. We remember the tribute of one to the simple truth that “the people do not become a legislature.... As well confound the creator and the creature--the principal and the agent through which he acts.” We wonder why the author of this tribute did not challenge the monumental error of the concept that the Fifth Article (when it mentions the “conventions” of the American citizens, the greatest principal in America, and also mentions the state governments, each as the attorney in fact of another and distinct principal, the citizens of its own state) is a grant from the great principal to itself and these mentioned attorneys in fact of others. But we now know why the author of the tribute made no such challenge. He is Hughes, who rests his entire argument _on_ the monumental error. We remember, as we glance at the briefs, that another one challenged the doctrine on which Sheppard proposed that the Eighteenth Amendment be sent to governments of state citizens, that such governments might interfere with the freedom of _American_ citizens. We remember the Sheppard doctrine as the Calhoun heresy that the states, political entities, made the Constitution which _we_, the citizens of America, actually made in our “conventions.” We remember how refreshed we were to find, in our first glance at the briefs, this statement: “The Constitution is not a compact between states. It proceeds directly from the people. As was stated by Mr. Chief Justice Marshall in M’Culloch v. Maryland, 4 _Wheat._ 316, &c.” We remember our thought, when we had just come from those “conventions,” to find this statement in that brief. We remember how we anticipated this briefer telling the Court why the states or _their_ governments, who could not make the First Article, were incompetent to make the only other supposed grant of power to interfere with our liberty, the Eighteenth Amendment. Now that we have finished with the briefs of 1920, we recognize how absurd was our expectation. The statement that the states, which are mere political entities, did not make the Constitution, the quotation from Marshall, supporting this truth and showing that the states did not make it because the states and their governments cannot make _national_ Articles, are both from the brief of this same Hughes, the champion of his government clients and their claimed ability to make _national_ Articles.