From 1775 to 1789, all Americans aim to secure individual welfare--With this one aim, “conventions” continue to read Fifth Article and recognize statements of Fifth and Seventh, as to “conventions,” identical in nature--Recognize both ordain WHEN convention-made Articles, granting power to interfere with individual freedom, shall validly constitute government of American citizens--Recognize “conventions” of Seventh and Fifth as whole American people of Preamble--Recall ability of legislatures to make federal Articles and know mention of “conventions” and “legislatures” grants no power to either--State “legislatures” lesser reservee and “conventions” of American citizens most important reservee in Tenth Amendment--“Conventions” recognize two exceptions in Fifth Article, not as exceptions from power granted therein, but as intentional refusal to provide a constitutional mode in which existing ability may be exercised to do what is mentioned in two exceptions--“Conventions” finish reading Fifth Article and, from its clear language, know it is not a grant of power but a constitutional mode for the exercise of either of two existing powers, one limited and the other unlimited. XIII. CONVENTIONS KNOW “CONVENTIONS” ARE “THE PEOPLE” _Page 180_ Americans, in their “conventions,” explain and support and oppose the proposed Articles--Whether for or against the Articles, their invariable and clear statements confirm the “convention” knowledge that the Fifth is not a grant of power either to themselves, “conventions,” or to the state “legislatures”--Conventions check Fifth Article mention of “legislatures” and “conventions” with statement that proposed constitution is “one federal and national constitution”--Henry insists that proposed Articles make the state legislatures weak, enervated and defenseless--“Abolish the state legislatures at once”--Wilson admits that the Articles take power from the state legislatures and give them no new power--“The diminution is necessary to the safety and prosperity of the people”--Madison explains the importance of his words, “in three-fourths thereof,” after the word “conventions,” as requiring more than a mere majority of American citizens for new interference with individual liberty--Hamilton states his own conviction that amendments will be to the federal and not the national part of the Constitution and emphasizes the legal necessity that grants of national power must come from the people and not the legislatures--“Conventions” reluctant to give even the enumerated national powers of the First Article and insist on the Tenth Amendment declaration that all other power of that kind is reserved by themselves to themselves--“In their hands it remains secure. They can delegate it in such proportions, to such bodies, at such times, and under such limitations, as they think proper”--In 1907, the Supreme Court states, what the “conventions” knew, that all powers not granted in the First