In an attempt to learn wherein the laws and courts of the United States
government coincide or conflict with such a local pueblo organization
as has been outlined in Chapter XI, I have read the annual reports of
the Commissioner for Indian affairs from 1854 to 1920, but with no very
satisfactory result. Up to 1875, apparently, the only resource the Indian
agents had, when crimes and disorders occurred, was military force.
In 1915, murder, assault with intention to kill, arson, and burglary
were under the jurisdiction of American courts, but the commissioner
stated that our citizens were not thus safeguarded against many other
misdemeanors, some of a serious nature. This dual control results in a
divided allegiance in government as in religion among the pueblo peoples
and must induce infinite difficulties on the one hand and deceptions
that are truly deplorable on the other. Throughout these Reports,
however, it is interesting and gratifying to find that praise of the
Pueblo Indians is almost universal. They are described by commissioner
after commissioner as being as “different from the Indians of the Plains
as light from darkness,” or “as men of a wholly different race.” The
adjectives “loyal,” “generous,” “honest,” “industrious,” “amiable,”
“eminently self-supporting,” are constantly used to describe the village
peoples.
In 1867 the commissioner regrets that since the “marauding Indians” have
to be placated so often, “these very friendly and deserving people” have
become “ill at ease” and distrustful of our government agents because our
promises to them are not kept. In 1874, the commissioner protests that
the failure to produce order among the Indians is “largely attributable
to the fundamental failure to treat the Indian as a man capable of
civilization and therefore a proper subject of the Government and
amenable to its laws. At the same time tribal government has virtually
broken down by contact with the United States” and he specifically
recommends “qualified citizenship.” In 1915 Cato Sells, the commissioner,
writes: “The Indian has demonstrated his capacity for intellectual and
moral progress amid conditions not always propitious,” and in 1917 he
declares that the time has come “for discontinuing guardianship of all
competent Indians and giving closer attention to the incompetent so as to
fit them to transact their own affairs and control their property.” Such
a procedure would leave the Indian assured of full personal rights, quite
free to work out his own destiny, while relieving the government of a
large number of wards and placing at the same time, before those Indians
left under guardianship, an incentive for progress and true ideals of
citizenship.
[Illustration: A NAVAJO HOGAN
_Bolton_]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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