Great Britain -- History -- 19th century -- Sources
The government of a great country like this is undoubtedly an object
of fair and legitimate ambition to men of all shades of opinion. It is
a noble thing to be allowed to guide the policy and to influence the
destiny of such a country; and if ever it was an object of honourable
ambition, more than ever must it be so at the moment at which I am
speaking. For while we have seen the political earthquake rocking
Europe from side to side—while we have seen thrones shaken, shattered,
levelled, institutions overthrown and destroyed—while in almost every
country of Europe the conflict of civil war has deluged the land with
blood from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, from the Baltic to the
Mediterranean, this country has presented a spectacle honourable to the
people of England, and worthy of the admiration of mankind.
We have shown that liberty is compatible with order; that individual
freedom is reconcilable with obedience to the law. We have shown the
example of a nation in which every class of society accepts with
cheerfulness the lot which Providence has assigned to it, while at the
same time every individual of such class is constantly striving to
raise himself in the social scale—not by injustice and wrong, not by
violence and illegality, but by persevering good conduct and by the
steady and energetic exertion of the moral and intellectual faculties
with which his Creator has endowed him.... I maintain that the
principles which can be traced through all our foreign transactions, as
the guiding rule and directing spirit of our proceedings, are such as
deserve approbation. I therefore fearlessly challenge the verdict which
this House, as representing a political, a commercial, a constitutional
country, is to give on the question now brought before it—whether the
principles on which the foreign policy of Her Majesty’s Government
has been conducted, and the sense of duty which has led us to think
ourselves bound to afford protection to our fellow-subjects abroad are
proper and fitting guides for those who are charged with the government
of England: and whether, as the Roman in days of old held himself
free from indignity when he could say, “Civis Romanus sum,” so also a
British subject, in whatever land he may be, shall feel confident that
the watchful eye and strong arm of England will protect him against
injustice and wrong.
THE ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOPRICS (1850).
=Source.=—_The Life of Lord Palmerston_, by the Hon. Evelyn
Ashley, vol. i., p. 245. (London: 1876.)
_Lord Palmerston to his Brother. January 27, 1851._
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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