Monarchy; Political science; United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce
the opinion of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this
continent; and whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly
known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a
state of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and
fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material
eminence. America doth not yet know what opulence is; and although
the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history
of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would
be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the
legislative powers in her own hands. England is, at this time,
proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to accomplish
it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final
ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of
America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a
great measure continue, were the countries as independant of each
other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go
to a better market. But it is the independance of this country of
Britain or any other, which is now the main and only object worthy of
contention, and which, like all other truths discovered by necessity,
will appear clearer and stronger every day.
First, Because it will come to that one time or other.
Secondly, Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be
to accomplish.
I have frequently amused myself both in public and private
companies, with silently remarking, the specious errors of those who
speak without reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the
following seems most general, viz. that had this rupture happened
forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would
have been more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I
reply, that our military ability AT THIS TIME, arises from the
experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or fifty years
time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by
that time, have had a General, or even a military officer left; and
we, or those who may succeed us, would have been as ignorant of
martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single position,
closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time
is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus--at the
conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers;
and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without
experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some
particular point between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of
the former remains, and a proper increase of the latter is obtained:
And that point of time is the present time.
The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly
come under the head I first set out with, and to which I again return
by the following position, viz.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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